Warren Says Bye Bye |
BOSTON — Senator Elizabeth Warren
of Massachusetts told her staff she was dropping out of the
presidential race on Thursday, ending a run defined by an avalanche of
policy plans that aimed to pull the Democratic Party to the left and
appealed to enough voters to make her briefly a front-runner last fall.
”I
know that when we set out, this was not the call you ever wanted to
hear,” Ms. Warren said on the call. “It is not the call I ever wanted to
make.”
Though her vision excited
progressives, that did not translate to enough excitement from the
party’s more working-class and diverse base, and her support had eroded
by Super Tuesday. In her final weeks as a candidate she effectively
drove former Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg of New York, a centrist billionaire, out of the race with debate performances that flashed her evident skills and political potential.
She
entered the race railing against the corrosive power of big money, and
one long-term consequence of her campaign is that Ms. Warren
demonstrated that someone other than Senator Bernie Sanders, and his intensely loyal small-dollar donors, could fund a credible presidential campaign without holding fund-raisers.
Her potential endorsement is highly sought after in the race and both Mr. Sanders and former Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. have spoken with Ms. Warren since Super Tuesday, when the end of her campaign appeared imminent.
Ms.
Warren has told associates that she does not plan to offer an
endorsement when she drops out later on Thursday, according to a person
close to her. She had what this person called “cordial” conversations
with her former rivals but is still weighing whether to take a side.
Ms. Warren’s political demise was a death by a thousand cuts, not a
dramatic implosion but a steady decline. Last October, according to most
national polls, Ms. Warren was the national pacesetter in the
Democratic field. By December, she had fallen to the edge of the top
tier, wounded by a presidential debate in October where her opponents
relentlessly attacked her, particularly on her embrace of “Medicare for
all.”
She invested heavily in the early states, with a ground game that was
the envy of her rivals. But it did not pay off: In Iowa, where she had
bet much of her candidacy — she had to take out a $3 million line of
credit ahead of the caucuses to ensure she could pay her bills in late
January — she wound up in a disappointing third place. She would never
finish better.
Ms. Warren slid to fourth in New Hampshire and Nevada, and to fifth in South Carolina.
By Super Tuesday, her campaign was effectively over — with the final
blow of a third-place finish in the primary of her home state,
Massachusetts.
The
news further clarifies that a historically diverse Democratic field
that began with a record number of female candidates has now become a
contest between Mr. Biden, 77, and Mr. Sanders, 78.
Before
her exit, Ms. Warren accumulated the second-most Democratic delegates
of any woman to ever run for president in American history, behind only
Hillary Clinton, the 2016 Democratic nominee.
Ms.
Warren’s departure clears the party’s left lane for Mr. Sanders, who
had a more muted showing on Super Tuesday than polls had predicted. The
Sanders campaign will now aim to attract enough of Ms. Warren’s
ideologically progressive supporters to put him over the top in a
closely contested primary.
Supporters
of Mr. Sanders and others in the progressive movement have spent the
last 36 hours gingerly reaching out to those in Ms. Warren’s orbit and
plotting in private conversations about how to keep the two liberal
standard-bearers in the race aligned through the rest of the primary
season.
Ms. Warren arrived on the
political scene in the aftermath of the 2008 financial collapse and shot
to superstardom with her indictments of Wall Street and unfettered
capitalism.
In 2016, some progressive
organizations mounted “Run Warren Run” campaigns and her eventual
presidential rival, Mr. Sanders, floated her name as a possible
challenger to Mrs. Clinton, but Ms. Warren declined to run.
Four years later,
when Ms. Warren did decide to pursue the Democratic nomination, she
entered a changed political terrain — a challenging landscape whose
obstacles she was never able to overcome. Mr. Sanders’s political stock
had soared after he ran against Mrs. Clinton in 2016, giving him an
immediate advantage in fund-raising and name recognition that
complicated Ms. Warren’s electoral path.
And
Donald J. Trump was not just a reality TV star and one of many
potential Republican rivals in 2020. He was the president, and his
election seemed to shock the Democratic base into an
electability-induced stupor. Voters constantly second-guessed their
electoral choices as they tried to game out which candidate would be
best equipped to beat him.
Mr. Biden, in particular, has capitalized on this anxiety to drive voters to his candidacy.
Ms.
Warren’s allies and supporters said the question of electability — who
would be the surest bet to defeat the president — disproportionately
hurt all the women who ran for president this cycle. Voters, they argue,
were swayed by a media narrative that a woman would have a more
difficult time defeating Mr. Trump, informed by Mrs. Clinton’s
unexpected loss in 2016.
At recent
events, Ms. Warren had taken to speaking to voters directly about their
electability fears, imploring them to tune out pundits who were writing
her off and vote their own conscience.
“Here’s
my advice: Cast a vote that will make you proud,” Ms. Warren told
voters on Super Tuesday, speaking in Detroit. “Cast a vote from your
heart. Vote for the person you think will make the best president of the
United States.”
Though her allies
stress structural barriers, Ms. Warren’s shortcomings as a candidate had
a great deal to do with her operation. At times, Ms. Warren’s campaign
did not reflect the urgency of a candidacy trying to make history, not
only as the first female president, but also through a program of
systemic upheaval that would include government-run health care, free
public college, student debt cancellation, breaking up big tech
companies, universal child care, and significant tax increases on the
wealthiest individuals and corporations.
During
debates ahead of the votes in Iowa and New Hampshire, two states where
Ms. Warren had invested many of her presidential hopes, she took a back
seat to other candidates like Pete Buttigieg and Amy Klobuchar. Her
campaign chose not to invest heavily in television advertising, and was
outmatched on the airwaves in early voting states. Its bet on organizing
staff failed to change the picture.
She had also embraced a vague message
declaring her the “unity candidate,” dropping the policy-focused message
that had seemed to resonate with voters early on and pitching herself
as the electoral compromise between the left wing dominated by Mr.
Sanders and the moderate wing led by Mr. Biden.
It did not work.
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