Defense Attorneys Sidney Powell, Lin Wood and others have filed a lawsuit in Georgia demanding that the results of the 2020 election be set aside because of “massive election fraud” and foreign influence in the election. The lawsuit claims that 96,600 mail-in ballots “were fraudulently cast” and that “136,098 ballots were illegally counted as a result of improper manipulation of the Dominion software.”
Powell, a high-profile attorney who represents former Trump National Security Advisor General Michael Flynn, asks that the governor be enjoined from certifying the election. The 104-page lawsuit claims that Gov. Brian Kemp, Sec. of State Brad Raffensperger, and the chair and members of the Georgia State Elections Board failed to police the alleged fraud, including “multiple violations of Georgia laws, including O.C.G.A. §§ 21-2-30(d), 21-2-31, 21-2- 33.1 and §21-2-522, and multiple Constitutional violations, as shown by fact witnesses to specific incidents, multiple expert witnesses and the sheer mathematical impossibilities found in the Georgia 2020 General Election.”
The lawsuit, co-filed with attorney Lin Wood and an Atlanta attorney, asks a judge to set aside the results of the election in a permanent injunction; enjoin elections officials from certifying the election; demands that all voting machines be subjected to forensic assessment; and asks that election officials produce 36 hours of surveillance video of “all rooms used in the voting process at State Farm Arena in Fulton County, GA from 12:00am to 3:00am until 6:00pm on November.”
The lawsuit, filed on Wednesday, also alleges that Georgia’s sloppy mail-in balloting was responsible for thousands of shady, illegal votes.
Plaintiff’s expert also finds that voters received tens of thousands of ballots that they never requested. (See Exh. 1, Dr. Briggs’ Report). Specifically, Dr. Briggs found that in the state of Georgia, based on a statistically significant sample, the expected amount of persons that received an absentee ballot that they did not request ranges from 16,938 to 22,771. This range exceeds the margin of loss of President Trump by 12,670 votes by at least 4,268 unlawful requests and by as many as 10,101 unlawful requests.
She alleges that voters were denied their due process because the fraud diluted their votes and treated the mail-in ballots differently in different counties, which is similar to what Trump attorneys have alleged in the Pennsylvania election case.
The lawsuit alleges that “rogue actors” were able to manipulate the voting software.
Russell Ramsland confirms that data breaches in the Dominion software permitted rogue actors to penetrate and manipulate the software during the recent general election. He further concludes that at least 96,600 mail-in ballots were illegally counted as they were not cast by legal voters.
The lawsuit used some of the open-source statistics that Matt Braynard has put out on his Twitter account. Braynard was a 2016 data chief for the Trump campaign. He put out a video outlining his findings on YouTube.
IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICCT COURT, NORTHERN
DISTRCOICT OF GEORGIA, ATLANTA DIVISION
CORECO JA’QAN PEARSON,
VIKKI TOWNSEND CONSIGLIO,
GLORIA KAY GODWIN, JAMES
KENNETH CARROLL, , CAROLYN HALL CASE NO.
FISHER, CATHLEEN ALSTON LATHAM,
and BRIAN JAY VAN GUNDY,
Plaintiffs.
v.
BRIAN KEMP, in his official capacity as
Governor of Georgia, BRAD
RAFFENSPERGER, in his official
capacity as Secretary of State and Chair
of the Georgia State Election Board,
DAVID J. WORLEY, in his official
capacity as a member of the Georgia
State Election Board, REBECCA
N.SULLIVAN, in her official capacity as
a member of the Georgia State Election
Board, MATTHEW MASHBURN, in his
official capacity as a member of the
Georgia State Election Board, and ANH
LE, in her official capacity as a member
of the Georgia State Election Board,
Defendants.
COMPLAINT FOR DECLARATORY, EMERGENCY, AND
PERMANENT INJUNCTIVE RELIEF
1
NATURE OF THE ACTION
This civil action brings to light a massive election fraud, multiple
violations of Georgia laws, including O.C.G.A. §§ 21-2-30(d), 21-2-31, 21-2-
33.1 and §21-2-522, and multiple Constitutional violations, as shown by fact
witnesses to specific incidents, multiple expert witnesses and the sheer
mathematical impossibilities found in the Georgia 2020 General Election. 1
1.
As a civil action, the plaintiff’s burden of proof is a “preponderance of
the evidence” to show, as the Georgia Supreme Court has made clear that, “[i]
was not incumbent upon [Plaintiff] to show how the [] voters would have voted
if their [absentee] ballots had been regular. [Plaintiff] only had to show that
there were enough irregular ballots to place in doubt the result.” Mead v.
Sheffield, 278 Ga. 268, 272, 601 S.E.2d 99, 102 (2004) (citing Howell v. Fears,
275 Ga. 627, 571 S.E.2d 392 (2002).
1
The same pattern of election fraud and voter fraud writ large occurred in all the swing
states with only minor variations, see expert reports, regarding Michigan, Pennsylvania,
Arizona and Wisconsin. (See William M. Briggs Decl., attached here to as Exh. 1, Report
with Attachment). Indeed, we believe that in Arizona at least 35,000 votes were illegally
added to Mr. Biden’s vote count.
2
2.
The scheme and artifice to defraud was for the purpose of illegally and
fraudulently manipulating the vote count to make certain the election of Joe
Biden as President of the United States.
3.
The fraud was executed by many means, 2 but the most fundamentally
troubling, insidious, and egregious is the systemic adaptation of old-fashioned
“ballot-stuffing.” It has now been amplified and rendered virtually invisible
by computer software created and run by domestic and foreign actors for that
very purpose. Mathematical and statistical anomalies rising to the level of
impossibilities, as shown by affidavits of multiple witnesses, documentation,
and expert testimony evince this scheme across the state of Georgia.
Especially egregious conduct arose in Forsyth, Paulding, Cherokee, Hall, and
Barrow County. This scheme and artifice to defraud affected tens of
thousands of votes in Georgia alone and “rigged” the election in Georgia for
Joe Biden.
2
50 USC § 20701 requires Retention and preservation of records and papers by officers of
elections; deposit with custodian; penalty for violation, but as will be shown wide pattern of
misconduct with ballots show preservation of election records have not been kept; and
Dominion logs are only voluntary, with no system wide preservation system.
3
4.
The massive fraud begins with the election software and hardware
from Dominion Voting Systems Corporation (“Dominion”) only recently
purchased and rushed into use by Defendants Governor Brian Kemp,
Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger, and the Georgia Board of Elections.
Sequoia voting machines were used in 16 states and the District of Colombia
in 2006. Smartmatic, which has revenue of about $100 million, focuses on
Venezuela and other markets outside the U.S. 3
After selling Sequoia, Smartmatic's chief executive, Anthony Mugica.
Mr. Mugica said, he hoped Smartmatic would work with Sequoia on projects
in the U.S., though Smartmatic wouldn't take an equity stake.” Id.
5.
Smartmatic and Dominion were founded by foreign oligarchs and
dictators to ensure computerized ballot-stuffing and vote manipulation to
whatever level was needed to make certain Venezuelan dictator Hugo Chavez
never lost another election. (See Redacted whistleblower affiant, attached as
Exh. 2) Notably, Chavez “won” every election thereafter.
3
See WSJ.com, Smartmatic to Sell U.S. Unit, End Probe into Venezuelan Links, by Bob Davis,
12/22/2006, https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB116674617078557263
4
6.
As set forth in the accompanying whistleblower affidavit, the
Smartmatic software was designed to manipulate Venezuelan elections in
favor of dictator Hugo Chavez:
Smartmatic’s electoral technology was called “Sistema de Gestión
Electoral” (the “Electoral Management System”). Smartmatic was a
pioneer in this area of computing systems. Their system provided for
transmission of voting data over the internet to a computerized
central tabulating center. The voting machines themselves had a
digital display, fingerprint recognition feature to identify the voter,
and printed out the voter’s ballot. The voter’s thumbprint was linked
to a computerized record of that voter’s identity. Smartmatic created
and operated the entire system.
7.
A core requirement of the Smartmatic software design was the
software’s ability to hide its manipulation of votes from any audit. As the
whistleblower explains:
Chavez was most insistent that Smartmatic design the system in a
way that the system could change the vote of each voter without
being detected. He wanted the software itself to function in such a
manner that if the voter were to place their thumb print or
fingerprint on a scanner, then the thumbprint would be tied to a
record of the voter’s name and identity as having voted, but that voter
would not be tracked to the changed vote. He made it clear that the
system would have to be setup to not leave any evidence of the
changed vote for a specific voter and that there would be no evidence
to show and nothing to contradict that the name or the fingerprint or
thumb print was going with a changed vote. Smartmatic agreed to
create such a system and produced the software and hardware that
5
accomplished that result for President Chavez. (See Id., see also Exh.
3, Aff. Cardozo, attached hereto)).
8.
The design and features of the Dominion software do not permit a
simple audit to reveal its misallocation, redistribution, or deletion of votes.
First, the system's central accumulator does not include a protected real-time
audit log that maintains the date and time stamps of all significant election
events. Key components of the system utilize unprotected logs. Essentially
this allows an unauthorized user the opportunity to arbitrarily add, modify,
or remove log entries, causing the machine to log election events that do not
reflect actual voting tabulations—or more specifically, do not reflect the
actual votes of or the will of the people. (See Hursti August 2019 Declaration,
attached hereto as Exh. 4, at pars. 45-48; and attached hereto, as Exh. 4B,
October 2019 Declaration in Document 959-4, at p. 18, par. 28).
9.
Indeed, under the professional standards within the industry in
auditing and forensic analysis, when a log is unprotected, and can be altered,
it can no longer serve the purpose of an audit log. There is incontrovertible
physical evidence that the standards of physical security of the voting
machines and the software were breached, and machines were connected to
6
the internet in violation of professional standards and state and federal laws.
(See Id.)
10.
Moreover, lies and conduct of Fulton County election workers about a
delay in voting at State Farm Arena and the reasons for it evince the fraud.
11.
Specifically, video from the State Farm Arena in Fulton County shows
that on November 3rd after the polls closed, election workers falsely claimed
a water leak required the facility to close. All poll workers and challengers
were evacuated for several hours at about 10:00 PM. However, several
election workers remained unsupervised and unchallenged working at the
computers for the voting tabulation machines until after 1:00 AM.
12.
Defendants Kemp and Raffensperger rushed through the purchase of
Dominion voting machines and software in 2019 for the 2020 Presidential
Election 4. A certificate from the Secretary of State was awarded to Dominion
4
Georgia Governor Inks Law to Replace Voting Machines, The Atlanta Journal-
Constitution, AJC News Now, Credit: Copyright 2019 The Associated Press, June 2019.
https://www.ajc.com/blog/politics/georgia-governor-inks-law-replace-voting-
machines/xNXs0ByQAOvtXhd27kJdqO/
7
Voting Systems but is undated. (See attached hereto Exh. 5, copy
Certification for Dominion Voting Systems from Secretary of State).
Similarly a test report is signed by Michael Walker as Project Manager but is
also undated. (See Exh. 6, Test Report for Dominion Voting Systems,
Democracy Suite 5-4-A)
13.
Defendants Kemp and Raffensperger disregarded all the concerns that
caused Dominion software to be rejected by the Texas Board of Elections in
2018, namely that it was vulnerable to undetected and non-auditable
manipulation. An industry expert, Dr. Andrew Appel, Princeton Professor of
Computer Science and Election Security Expert has recently observed, with
reference to Dominion Voting machines: "I figured out how to make a slightly
different computer program that just before the polls were closed, it switches
some votes around from one candidate to another. I wrote that computer
program into a memory chip and now to hack a voting machine you just need
7 minutes alone with it and a screwdriver." (Attached hereto Exh. 7, Study,
Ballot-Marking Devices (BMDs) Cannot Assure the Will of the Voters by
Andrew W. Appel Princeton University, Richard A. DeMillo, Georgia Tech
Philip B. Stark, for the Univ. of California, Berkeley, December 27, 2019). 5
5
Full unredacted copies of all exhibits have been filed under seal with the Court and Plaintiffs
have simultaneously moved for a protective order.
8
14.
As explained and demonstrated in the accompanying redacted
declaration of a former electronic intelligence analyst under 305th Military
Intelligence with experience gathering SAM missile system electronic
intelligence, the Dominion software was accessed by agents acting on behalf
of China and Iran in order to monitor and manipulate elections, including the
most recent US general election in 2020. This Declaration further includes a
copy of the patent records for Dominion Systems in which Eric Coomer is
listed as the first of the inventors of Dominion Voting Systems. (See
Attached hereto as Exh. 8, copy of redacted witness affidavit, 17 pages,
November 23, 2020).
15.
Expert Navid Keshavarez-Nia explains that US intelligence services
had developed tools to infiltrate foreign voting systems including Dominion.
He states that Dominion’s software is vulnerable to data manipulation by
unauthorized means and permitted election data to be altered in all
battleground states. He concludes that hundreds of thousands of votes that
were cast for President Trump in the 2020 general election were transferred
to former Vice-President Biden. (Exh. 26).
9
16.
Additionally, incontrovertible evidence Board of Elections records
demonstrates that at least 96,600 absentee ballots were requested and
counted but were never recorded as being returned to county election boards
by the voter. Thus, at a minimum, 96,600 votes must be disregarded. (See
Attached hereto, Exh. 9, R. Ramsland Aff.).
17.
The Dominion system used in Georgia erodes and undermines the
reconciliation of the number of voters and the number of ballots cast, such
that these figures are permitted to be unreconciled, opening the door to ballot
stuffing and fraud. The collapse of reconciliation was seen in Georgia’s
primary and runoff elections this year, and in the November election, where
it was discovered during the hand audit that 3,300 votes were found on
memory sticks that were not uploaded on election night, plus in Floyd county,
another 2,600 absentee ballots had not been scanned. These “found votes”
reduced Biden’s lead over Donald Trump 6.
6
Recount find thousands of Georgia votes, Atlanta Journal-Constitution by Mark Niesse and
David Wickert,11/19/20. https://www.ajc.com/politics/recount-finds-thousands-of-georgia-
votes-missing-from-initial-counts/ERDRNXPH3REQTM4SOINPSEP72M/
10
18.
Georgia’s election officials and poll workers exacerbated and helped,
whether knowingly or unknowingly, the Dominion system carry out massive
voter manipulation by refusing to observe statutory safeguards for absentee
ballots. Election officials failed to verify signatures and check security
envelopes. They barred challengers from observing the count, which also
facilitated the fraud.
19.
Expert analysis of the actual vote set forth below demonstrates that at
least 96,600 votes were illegally counted during the Georgia 2020 general
election. All of the evidence and allegation herein is more than sufficient to
place the result of the election in doubt. More evidence arrives by the day
and discovery should be ordered immediately.
20.
Georgia law, (OCGA 21-5-552) provides for a contest of an election
where:
(1) Misconduct, fraud, or irregularity by any primary or election
official or officials sufficient to change or place in doubt the result; . .
. (3) When illegal votes have been received or legal votes rejected at
the polls sufficient to change or place in doubt the result; (4) For any
error in counting the votes or declaring the result of the primary or
election, if such error would change the result; or (5) For any other
cause which shows that another was the person legally nominated,
elected, or eligible to compete in a run-off primary or election.
11
21.
As further set forth below, all of the above grounds have been satisfied
and compel this Court to set aside the 2020 General Election results which
fraudulently concluded that Mr. Biden defeated President Trump by 12,670
votes.
22.
Separately, and independently, there are sufficient Constitutional
grounds to set aside the election results due to the Defendants’ failure to
observe statutory requirements for the processing and counting of absentee
ballots which led to the tabulation of more than fifty thousand illegal ballots.
THE PARTIES
23.
Plaintiff Coreco Ja’Qan (“CJ”) Pearson, is a registered voter who
resides in Augusta, Georgia. He is a nominee of the Republican Party to be a
Presidential Elector on behalf of the State of Georgia. He has standing to
bring this action under Carson v. Simon, 2020 US App Lexis 34184 (8th Cir.
Oct. 29, 2020). He brings this action to set aside and decertify the election
results for the Office of President of the United States that was certified by
the Georgia Secretary of State on November 20, 2020. The certified results
showed a plurality of 12,670 votes in favor of former Vice-President Joe Biden
over President Trump.
12
24.
Plaintiff Vikki Townsend Consiglio, is a registered voter who resides in
Henry County, Georgia. She is a nominee of the Republican Party to be a
Presidential Elector on behalf of the State of Georgia.
25.
Plaintiff Gloria Kay Godwin, is a registered voter who resides in
Pierece County, Georgia. She is a nominee of the Republican Party to be a
Presidential Elector on behalf of the State of Georgia.
26.
Plaintiff James Kenneth Carroll, is a registered voter who resides in
Dodge County, Georgia. He is a nominee of the Republican Party to be a
Presidential Elector on behalf of the State of Georgia.
27.
Plaintiff Carolyn Hall Fisher, is a registered voter who resides in
Forsyth County, Georgia. She is a nominee of the Republican Party to be a
Presidential Elector on behalf of the State of Georgia.
28.
Plaintiff Cathleen Alston Latham, is a registered voter who resides in
Coffee County, Georgia. She is a nominee of the Republican Party to be a
Presidential Elector on behalf of the State of Georgia.
13
29.
Plaintiff Jason M. Shepherd is the Chairman of the Cobb County
Republican Party and brings this action in his official capacity on behalf of
the Cobb County Republican Party.
30.
Plaintiff Brian Jay Van Gundy is registered voter in Gwinnett County,
Georgia. He is the Assistant Secretary of the Georgia Republican Party.
31.
Defendant Governor Brian Kemp (Governor of Georgia) is named
herein in his official capacity as Governor of the State of Georgia. On or
about June 9, 2019, Governor Kemp bought the new Dominion Voting
Systems for Georgia, budgeting 150 million dollars for the machines. Critics
are quoted, “Led by Abrams, Democrats fought the legislation and pointed to
cybersecurity experts who warned it would leave Georgia's elections
susceptible to hacking and tampering.” And “Just this week, the Fair Fight
voting rights group started by [Stacy] Abrams launched a television ad
critical of the bill. In a statement Thursday, the group called it “corruption at
its worst” and a waste of money on “hackable voting machines.” 7
7
Georgia Governor Inks Law to Replace Voting Machines, The Atlanta Journal-Constitution,
AJC News Now, Credit: Copyright 2019 The Associated Press, June 2019
14
32.
Defendant Brad Raffensperger ("Secretary Raffensperger") is named
herein in his official capacity as Secretary of State of the State of Georgia and
the Chief Election Official for the State of Georgia pursuant to Georgia’s
Election Code and O.C.G.A. § 21-2-50. Secretary Raffensperger is a state
official subject to suit in his official capacity because his office "imbues him
with the responsibility to enforce the [election laws]." Grizzle v. Kemp, 634
F.3d 1314, 1319 (11th Cir. 2011). Secretary Raffensperger serves as the
Chairperson of Georgia's State Election Board, which promulgates and
enforces rules and regulations to (i) obtain uniformity in the practices and
proceedings of election officials as well as legality and purity in all primaries
and general elections, and (ii) be conducive to the fair, legal, and orderly
conduct of primaries and general elections. See O.C.G.A. §§ 21-2-30(d), 21-2-
31, 21-2-33.1. Secretary Raffensperger, as Georgia's chief elections officer, is
further responsible for the administration of the state laws affecting voting,
including the absentee voting system. See O.C.G.A. § 21-2-50(b).
33.
Defendants Rebecca N. Sullivan, David J. Worley, Matthew Mashburn,
and Anh Le (hereinafter the "State Election Board") are members of the State
Election Board in Georgia, responsible for "formulating, adopting, and
promulgating such rules and regulations, consistent with law, as will be
15
conducive to the fair, legal, and orderly conduct of primaries and elections."
O.C.G.A. § 21-2-31(2). Further, the State Election Board "promulgate[s] rules
and regulations to define uniform and nondiscriminatory standards
concerning what constitutes a vote and what will be counted as a vote for
each category of voting system" in Georgia. O.C.G.A. § 21-2-31(7). The State
Election Board, personally and through the conduct of the Board's employees,
officers, agents, and servants, acted under color of state law at all times
relevant to this action and are sued for emergency declaratory and injunctive
relief in their official capacities.
JURISDICTION AND VENUE
34.
This Court has subject matter jurisdiction under 28 U.S.C. 1331 which
provides, “The district courts shall have original jurisdiction of all civil
actions arising under the Constitution, laws, or treaties of the United States.
35.
This Court also has subject matter jurisdiction under 28 U.S.C. 1343
because this action involves a federal election for President of the United
States. “A significant departure from the legislative scheme for appointing
Presidential electors presents a federal constitutional question.” Bush v.
Gore, 531 U.S. 98, 113 (2000) (Rehnquist, C.J., concurring); Smiley v. Holm,
285 U.S. 355, 365 (1932).
16
36.
The jurisdiction of the Court to grant declaratory relief is conferred by
28 U.S.C. 2201 and 2202 and by Rule 57 and 65, Fed. R. Civ. P. 7.
37.
This Court has jurisdiction over the related Georgia Constitutional
claims and State law claims under 28 U.S.C. 1367.
38.
In Georgia, the "legislature" is the General Assembly. See Ga. Const.
Art. III, § I, Para. I.
39.
Because the United States Constitution reserves for state legislatures
the power to set the time, place, and manner of holding elections for Congress
and the President, state executive officers, including but not limited to
Secretary Raffensperger, have no authority to exercise that power
unilaterally, much less flout existing legislation or the Constitution itself.
STATEMENT OF FACTS
40.
Plaintiffs bring this action under 42 U.S.C. §§ 1983 and 1988, and
under Georgia law, O.C.G.A. § 21-2-522 to remedy deprivations of rights,
17
privileges, or immunities secured by the Constitution and laws of the United
States and to contest the election results.
41.
The United States Constitution sets forth the authority to regulate
federal elections, the Constitution provides:
The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and
Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature
thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such
Regulations, except as to the Places of choosing Senators. U.S.
CONST. art. I, § 4 (“Elections Clause”).
42.
With respect to the appointment of presidential electors, the
Constitution provides: Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the
Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole
Number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled
in the Congress: but no Senator or Representative, or Person holding an
Office of Trust or Profit under the United States, shall be appointed an
Elector. U.S. CONST. art. II, § 1 (“Electors Clause”).
43.
Neither Defendant is a “Legislature” as required under the Elections
Clause or Electors Clause. The Legislature is “‘the representative body which
ma[kes] the laws of the people.’” Smiley 285 U.S. 365. Regulations of
congressional and presidential elections, thus, “must be in accordance with
18
the method which the state has prescribed for legislative enactments.” Id. at
367; see also Ariz. State Legislature v. Ariz. Indep. Redistricting Comm’n, 576
U.S. 787, 135 S. Ct. 2652, 2668 (U.S. 2015).
44.
While the Elections Clause "was not adopted to diminish a State's
authority to determine its own lawmaking processes," Ariz. State Legislature,
135 S. Ct. at 2677, it does hold states accountable to their chosen processes
when it comes to regulating federal elections, id. at 2668. "A significant
departure from the legislative scheme for appointing Presidential electors
presents a federal constitutional question." Bush, 531 U.S. at 113 (Rehnquist,
C.J., concurring); Smiley, 285 U.S. at 365.
45.
Plaintiffs also bring this action under Georgia law, O.C.G.A. § 21-2-522,
Grounds for Contest:
A result of a primary or election may be contested on one or more of
the following grounds:
(1) Misconduct, fraud, or irregularity by any primary or election
official or officials sufficient to change or place in doubt the result;
(2) When the defendant is ineligible for the nomination or office in
dispute;
(3) When illegal votes have been received or legal votes rejected at
the polls sufficient to change or place in doubt the result;
(4) For any error in counting the votes or declaring the result of the
primary or election, if such error would change the result; or
19
(5) For any other cause which shows that another was the person
legally nominated, elected, or eligible to compete in a run-off primary
or election.
O.C.G.A. § 21-2-522.
46.
Under O.C.G.A. § 21-2-10, Presidential Electors are elected.
47.
Under O.C.G.A. § 21-2-386(a)(l)(B), the Georgia Legislature instructed
the county registrars and clerks (the "County Officials") to handle the
absentee ballots as directed therein. The Georgia Legislature set forth the
procedures to be used by each municipality for appointing the absentee ballot
clerks to ensure that such clerks would "perform the duties set forth in this
Article." See O.C.G.A. § 21-2-380.1.
48.
The Georgia Election Code instructs those who handle absentee ballots
to follow a clear procedure:
Upon receipt of each [absentee] ballot, a registrar or clerk shall write
the day and hour of the receipt of the ballot on its envelope. The
registrar or clerk shall then compare the identifying information
on the oath with the information on file in his or her office, shall
compare the signature or make on the oath with the signature or
mark on the absentee elector's voter card or the most recent update
to such absentee elector's voter registration card and application for
absentee ballot or a facsimile of said signature or maker taken from
said card or application, and shall, if the information and signature
appear to be valid and other identifying information appears to be
correct, so certify by signing or initialing his or her name below the
20
voter's oath. Each elector's name so certified shall be listed by the
registrar or clerk on the numbered list of absentee voters prepared
for his or her precinct.
O.C.G.A. § 21-2-386(a)(l )(B) (emphasis added).
49.
Under O.C.G.A. § 21-2-386(a)(l)(C), the Georgia Legislature also
established a clear and efficient process to be used by County Officials if
they determine that an elector has failed to sign the oath on the outside
envelope enclosing the ballot or that the signature does not conform with
the signature on file in the registrar's or clerk's office (a "defective absentee
ballot").
50.
The Georgia Legislature also provided for the steps to be followed by
County Officials with respect to defective absentee ballots:
If the elector has failed to sign the oath, or if the
signature does not appear to be valid, or if the elector has failed
to furnish required information or information so furnished does
not conform with that on file in the registrar's or clerk's office,
or if the elector is otherwise found disqualified to vote, the registrar
or clerk shall write across the face of the envelope "Rejected," giving
the reason therefor. The board of registrars or absentee ballot clerk
shall promptly notify the elector of such rejection, a copy of which
notification shall be retained in the files of the board of registrars or
absentee ballot clerk for at least one year.
O.C.G.A. § 21-2 -386(a) (l)(C) (emphasis added).
21
I. DEFENDANTS' UNAUTHORIZED ACTIONS VIOLATED THE
GEORGIA ELECTION CODE AND CAUSED THE PROCESSING OF
DEFECTIVE ABSENTEE BALLOTS.
51.
Notwithstanding the clarity of the applicable statutes and the
constitutional authority for the Georgia Legislature's actions, on March 6,
2020, the Secretary of State of the State of Georgia, Secretary Raffensperger,
and the State Election Board, who administer the state elections (the
"Administrators") entered into a "Compromise and Settlement Agreement
and Release" (the "Litigation Settlement") with the Democratic Party of
Georgia, Inc., the Democrat Senatorial Campaign Committee, and the
Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (collectively, the "Democrat
Party Agencies"), setting forth different standards to be followed by the clerks
and registrars in processing absentee ballots in the State of Georgia8.
52.
Under the Settlement, however, the Administrators agreed to change
the statutorily prescribed manner of handling absentee ballots in a manner
that is not consistent with the laws promulgated by the Georgia Legislature
for elections in this state.
8
See Democratic Party of Georgia, Inc., et al. v. Raffensperger, et al., Civil Action File
No. 1:l 9-cv-05028-WMR, United States District Court for the Northern District of
Georgia, Atlanta Division, Doc. 56-1.
22
53.
The Settlement provides that the Secretary of State would issue an
"Official Election Bulletin" to county Administrators overriding the statutory
procedures prescribed for those officials. That power, however, does not
belong to the Secretary of State under the United States Constitution.
54.
The Settlement also changed the signature requirement reducing it to a
broad process with discretion, rather than enforcement of the signature
requirement as statutorily required under O.C.G.A. 21-2-386(a)(l).
55.
The Georgia Legislature instructed county registers and clerks (the
“County Officials”) regarding the handling of absentee ballots in O.C.G.A. S
21-2-386(a)(1)(B), 21-2-380.1. The Georgia Election Code instructs those who
handle absentee ballots to follow a clear procedure:
Upon receipt of each absentee ballot, a registrar or clerk shall write
the day and hour of the receipt of the ballot on its envelope. The
registrar or clerk shall then compare the identifying information on
the oath with the information on file in his or her office, shall
compare the signature or make on the oath with the signature or
mark on the absentee elector’s voter card or the most recent update
to such absent elector’s voter registration card and application for
absentee ballot or a facsimile of said signature or maker taken from
said card or application, and shall, if the information and signature
appear to be valid and other identifying information appears to be
correct, so certify by signing or initialing his or her name below the
voter’s oath …
23
O.C.G.A. S 21-2-386(a)(1)(B).
56.
The Georgia Legislature prescribed procedures to ensure that any
request for an absentee ballot must be accompanied by sufficient
identification of the elector's identity. See O.C.G.A. § 21-2-38 l(b )(1)
(providing, in pertinent part, "In order to be found eligible to vote an
absentee ballot in person at the registrar's office or absentee ballot clerk's
office, such person shall show one of the forms of identification listed in Code
Section 21-2-417 ... ").
57.
An Affiant testified, under oath, that “It was also of particular interest
to me to see that signatures were not being verified and that there were no
corresponding envelopes seen in site.” (Attached hereto as Exh. 10, Mayra
Romera, at par. 7).
58.
To reflect the very reason for process, it was documented that in the
primary election, prior to the November 3, 2020 Presidential election, many
ballots got to voters after the election. Further it was confirmed that “Untold
thousands of absentee ballot requests went unfulfilled, and tens of thousands
of mailed ballots were rejected for multiple reasons including arriving too late
24
to be counted. See the Associated Press, Vote-by-Mail worries: A leaky
pipeline in many states, August 8, 2020. 9
59.
Pursuant to the Settlement, the Administrators delegated their
responsibilities for determining when there was a signature mismatch by
considering in good faith only partisan-based training - "additional guidance
and training materials" drafted by the Democrat Party Agencies’
representatives contradicting O.C.G.A. § 21-2-31.
B. U N L A W F U L E A R L Y P R O C E S S I N G O F A B S E N T E E B A L L O T S
60.
In April 2020, the State Election Board adopted on a purportedly
“Emergency Basis” Secretary of State Rule 183-1-14-0.9-.15, Processing
Ballots Prior to Election Day. Under this rule, county election officials are
authorized to begin processing absentee ballots up to three weeks befoe
election day. Thus, the rule provides in part that “(1) Beginning at 8:00 AM
on the third Monday prior to Election Day, the county election
superintendent shall be authorized to open the outer envelope of
accepted absentee ballots …” (Emphasis added).
9
https://apnews.com/article/u-s-news-ap-top-news-election-2020-technology-politics-
52e87011f4d04e41bfffccd64fc878e7
25
61.
Rule 183-1-14-0.9-.15 is in direct and irreconcilable conflict with
O.C.G.A. § 21-2-386(a)(2), which prohibits the opening of absentee ballots
until election day:
After the opening of the polls on the day of the primary, election,
or runoff, the registrars or absentee ballot clerks shall be
authorized to open the outer envelope on which is printed the
oath of the elector in such a manner as not to destroy the oath printed
thereon; provided, however, that the registrars or absentee ballot
clerk shall not be authorized to remove the contents of such outer
envelope or to open the inner envelope marked “Official Absentee
Ballot,” except as otherwise provided in this Code section.
(Emphasis added).
62.
In plain terms, the statute clearly prohibits opening absentee ballots
prior to election day, while the rule authorizes doing so three weeks before
election day. There is no reconciling this conflict. The State Election Board
has authority under O.C.G.A. § 21-2-31 to adopt lawful and legal rules and
regulations, but no authority to promulgate a regulation that is directly
contrary to an unambiguous statute. Rule 183-1-14-0.9-.15 is therefore
plainly and indisputably unlawful.
63.
The State Election Board re-adopted Rule 183-1-14-0.9-.15 on
November 23, 2020 for the upcoming January 2021 runoff election.
26
C. U N L A W F U L A U D I T P R O C E D U R E S
64.
According to Secretary Raffensperger, in the presidential general
election, 2,457,880 votes were cast in Georgia for President Donald J. Trump,
and 2,472,002 votes were cast for Joseph R. Biden, which narrowed in
Donald Trump’s favor after the most recent recount.
65.
Secretary Raffensperger declared that for the Hand Recount:
Per the instructions given to counties as they conduct their audit
triggered full hand recounts, designated monitors will be given
complete access to observe the process from the beginning. While the
audit triggered recount must be open to the public and media,
designated monitors will be able to observe more closely. The general
public and the press will be restricted to a public viewing area.
Designated monitors will be able to watch the recount while standing
close to the elections’ workers conducting the recount.
Political parties are allowed to designate a minimum of two monitors
per county at a ratio of one monitor per party for every ten audit
boards in a county... Beyond being able to watch to ensure the
recount is conducted fairly and securely, the two-person audit boards
conducting the hand recount call out the votes as they are recounted
, providing monitors and the public an additional way to keep tabs
on the process. 10
10
Office of Brad Raffensperger, Monitors Closely Observing Audit-Triggered Full Hand
Recount: Transparency is Built Into Process,
https://sos.ga.gov/index.php/elections/monitors_closely_observing_audit-
triggered_full_hand_recount_transparency_is_built_into_process
27
66.
The audit was conducted O.C.G.A. § 21-2-498. This code section
requires that audits be completed “in public view” and authorizes the State
Board of Elections to promulgate regulations to administer an audit “to
ensure that collection of validly cast ballots is complete, accurate and
trustworthy throughout the audit.”
67.
Plaintiffs can show that Democrat-majority counties provided political
parties and candidates, including the Trump Campaign, no meaningful
access or actual opportunity to review and assess the validity of mail-in
ballots during the pre-canvassing meetings. While in the audit or recount,
they witnessed Trump votes being put into Biden piles.
68.
Non-parties Amanda Coleman and Maria Diedrich are two individuals
who volunteered to serve as designated monitors for the Donald J. Trump
Presidential Campaign, Inc. (the "Trump Campaign") on behalf of the
Georgia Republican Party (the "Republican Party") at the Hand Recount.
(Attached hereto and incorporated herein as Exhibits 2 and 3), respectively,
are true and correct copies of (1) the Affidavit of Amanda Coleman in Support
of Plaintiffs' Motion for Temporary Restraining Order (the "Coleman
Affidavit"), and (2) the Affidavit of Maria Diedrich in Support of Plaintiffs'
28
Motion for Temporary Restraining Order (the "Diedrich Affidavit"). (See
Exh. 11, Coleman Aff.,2; Exh. 12, Diedrich Aff., 2.)
69.
The Affidavits set forth various conduct amounting to federal crimes,
clear improprieties, insufficiencies, and improper handling of ballots by
County Officials and their employees that Ms. Coleman and Ms. Diedrich
personally observed while monitoring the Hand Recount. (See Exh. 11,
Coleman Aff., 3-10; Exh. 12, Diedrich Aff., 4-14.)
70.
As a result of her observations of the Hand Recount as a Republican
Party monitor, Ms. Diedrich declared, "There had been no meaningful way to
review or audit any activity" at the Hand Recount. (See Exh. 12, Diedrich
Aff.,14.)
71.
As a result of their observations of the Hand Recount as Republican
Party monitors, Ms. Coleman likewise declared, "There was no way to tell if
any counting was accurate or if the activity was proper." (See Exh. 12,
Coleman Aff.,10).
72.
On Election Day, when the Republican poll watchers were, for a limited
time, present and allowed to observe in various polling locations, they
29
observed and reported numerous instances of election workers failing to
follow the statutory mandates relating to two critical requirements, among
other issues:
(1) a voter’s right to spoil their mail-in ballot at their polling
place on election day and to then vote in-person, and
(2) the ability for voters to vote provisionally on election day
when a mail-in ballot has already been received for them, but when
they did not cast those mail-in ballots, who sought to vote in person
during early voting but was told she already voted; she emphasized
that she had not. The clerk told her he would add her manually with
no explanation as to who or how someone voted using her name.
(Attached hereto as Exh. 13, Aff. Ursula Wolf)
73.
Another observer for the ballot recount testified that “at no time did I
witness any Recounter or individual participate in the recount verifying
signatures [on mail-in ballots].” (Attached hereto as Exh. 14, Nicholas Zeher
Aff).
74.
In some counties, there was no actual "hand" recounting of the ballots
during the Hand Recount, but rather, County Officials and their employees
30
simply conducted another machine count of the same ballots. (See. Exh. 9,
10). That will not reveal the massive fraud of which plaintiffs complain.
75.
A large number of ballots were identical and likely fraudulent. An
Affiant explains that she observed a batch of utterly pristine ballots:
14. Most of the ballots had already been handled; they had been
written on by people, and the edges were worn. They showed obvious
use. However, one batch stood out. It was pristine. There was a
difference in the texture of the paper - it was if they were intended
for absentee use but had not been used for that purposes. There was
a difference in the feel.
15. These different ballots included a slight depressed pre-fold so
they could be easily folded and unfolded for use in the scanning
machines. There were no markings on the ballots to show where they
had com~ from, or where they had been processed. These stood out.
16. In my 20 years of experience of handling ballots, I observed that
the markings for the candidates on these ballots were unusually
uniform, perhaps even with a ballot-marking device. By my estimate
in observing these ballots, approximately 98% constituted votes for
Joe Biden. I only observed two of these ballots as votes for President
Donald J. Trump.” (See Exh. 15 Attached hereto).
76.
The same Affiant further testified specifically to the breach of the chain
of custody of the voting machines the night before the election stating:
we typically receive the machines, the ballot marking devices – on
the Friday before the election, with a chain of custody letter to be
signed on Sunday, indicating that we had received the machines and
the counts on the machines when received, and that the machines
have been sealed. In this case, we were asked to sign the chain
of custody letter on Sunday, even though the machines were
not delivered until 2:00 AM in the morning on Election Day.
31
The Milton precinct received its machines at 1:00 AM in the morning
on Election Day. This is unacceptable and voting machines should
[not] be out of custody prior to an Election Day. Id.
II. EVIDENCE OF FRAUD
A PATTERN SHOWING THE ABSENCE OF MISTAKE
77.
The stunning pattern of the nature and acts of fraud demonstrate an
absence of mistake.
78.
The same Affiant further explained, in sworn testimony, that the
breach included: “when we did receive the machines, they were not sealed or
locked, the serial numbers were not what were reflected on the related
documentation…” See Id.
79.
An affiant testified that “While in Henry County, I personally
witnessed ballots cast for Donald Trump being placed in the pile for Joseph
Biden, I witnessed this happen at table “A”.’ (See Exh. 14, par. 27).
80.
The Affiant further testified, that “when this was brought to Ms. Pitts
attention, it was met with extreme hostility. At no time did I witness any
ballot cast for Joseph Biden be placed in the pile for Donald Trump. (See
Exh. 14, par. 28).
32
81.
Another Affiant in the mail-in ballot and absentee ballot recounting
process, testified in her sworn affidavit, that “on November 16, 2020 … It was
also of particular interest to me to see that signatures were not being verified
and there were no corresponding envelopes seen in sight.” (See Exh. 10, at
Par. 7).
82.
Yet another Affiant, in the recount process, testified that he received
push back and a lack of any cooperation and was even threatened as if he did
something wrong, when he pointed out the failure to follow the rules with the
observers while open mail-in ballot re-counting was occurring, stating:
“However, as an observer, I observed that the precinct had twelve
(12) counting tables, but only one (1) monitor from the Republican
Party. I brought it up to Erica Johnston since the recount rules
provided for one (1) monitor from each Party per ten (10) tables or
part thereof…”
(See Attached hereto, Exh. 16, Ibrahim Reyes Aff.)
83.
Another Affiant explains a pattern of behavior that is alarming, in his
position as an observer in the recount on absentee ballots with barcodes, he
testified:
I witnessed two poll workers placing already separated paper
machine receipt ballots with barcodes in the Trump tray,
placing them in to the Biden tray. I also witnessed the same two
poll workers putting the already separated paper receipt ballots in
33
the “No Vote” and “Jorgensen” tray, and removing them and putting
them inside the Biden tray, They then took out all of the ballots out
of the Biden tray and stacked them on the table, writing on the count
ballot sheet.
(See Attached hereto, Exh.17, pars. 4-5, Aff. of Consetta Johson).
84.
Another Affiant, a Democrat, testified in his sworn affidavit, that
before he was forced to move back to where he could not see, he had in fact
seen “absentee ballots for Trump inserted into Biden’s stack, and counted as
Biden votes. This occurred a few times”. (See attached hereto, Exh. 18 at
Par. 12, Aff. of Carlos Silva).
85.
Yet another Affiant testified about the lack of process and the hostility
only towards the Republican party, which is a violation of the Equal
Protection Clause. He testified:
I also observed throughout my three days in Atlanta, not once did
anyone verify these ballots. In fact, there was no authentication
process in place and no envelopes were observed or allowed to be
observed. I saw hostility towards Republican observers but never
towards Democrat observers. Both were identified by badges.
(See Id., at pars. 13-14).
86.
Another Affiant explained that his ballot was not only not processed in
accordance with Election law, he witnessed people reviewing his ballot to
decide where to place it, which violated the privacy of his ballot, and when he
34
tried to report it to a voter fraud line, he never received any contact or
cooperation stating:
“I voted early on October 12 at the precinct at Lynwood Park …
Because of irregularities at the polling location, I called the voter
fraud line to ask why persons were discussing my ballot and
reviewing it to decide where to place it. When I called the state fraud
line, I was directed to a worker in the office of the Secretary of
State…”
(See Attached hereto, Exh. 19, Andrea ONeal Aff, at par. 3).
87.
He further testified that when he was an Observer at the Lithonia
location, he saw many irregularities, and specifically “saw an auditor sort
Biden votes that he collected and sorted into ten ballot stacks, which [the
auditor] did not show anyone.” Id. at p. 8.
88.
Another Affiant testified about the use of different paper for ballots,
that would constitute fraud stating:
I noticed that almost all of the ballots I reviewed were for Biden.
Many batches went 100% for Biden. I also observed that the
watermark on at least 3 ballots were solid gray instead of
transparent, leading me to believe the ballot was counterfeit. I
challenged this and the Elections Director said it was a legitimate
ballot and was due to the use of different printers. Many ballots had
markings for Biden only, and no markings on the rest of the ballot.
(See Attached hereto, Exh. 20, Aff of Debra J. Fisher, at pars. 4, 5, 6).
35
89.
An Affiant testified, that while at the Audit, ‘While in Henry County,
I personally witnessed ballots cast for Donald Trump being placed in
the pile for Joseph Biden. I witnessed this happen at table “A”’. (See
attached hereto as Exh. 22, Kevin Peterford, at par. 29). Another Affiant
testified, that “I witnessed two poll workers placing already separated
paper machine receipt ballots with barcodes in the Trump tray,
placing them in to the Biden tray. I also witnessed the same two poll
workers putting the already separated paper receipt abllots in the “No
Vote” and “Jorgensen” tray, and removing them and putting them
inside the Biden tray, They then took out all of the ballots out of the
Biden tray and stacked them on the table, writing on the count ballot
sheet. (See Exh. 17, Johnson, pars. 4-5).
90.
Another Affiant, a Democrat, testified in his sworn affidavit,
before he was forced to move back to where he could not see, he had
in fact seen, “I also saw absentee ballots for Trump inserted
36
into Biden’s stack, and counted as Biden votes. This occurred
a few times”. (See Exh. 18, Par. 12).
91.
A Republican National Committee monitor in Georgia’s election
recount, Hale Soucie, told an undercover journalist there are individuals
counting ballots who have made continuous errors,” writes O’Keefe. Project
Veritas, Watch: Latest Project Veritas Video reveals “Multiple Ballots Meant
for Trump Went to Biden in Georgia. 11
B. THE VOTING MACHINES, SECRECY
SOFTWARE USED BY VOTING MACHINES THROUGHOUT GEORGIA
IS CRUCIAL
92.
These violations of federal and state laws impacted the election of
November 3, 2020 and set the predicate for the evidence of deliberate
fraudulent conduct, manipulation, and lack of mistake that follows. The
commonality and statewide nature of these legal violations renders
certification of the legal vote untenable and warrants immediate
11
https://hannity.com/media-room/watch-latest-project-veritas-video-reveals-multiple-
ballots-meant-for-trump-went-to-biden-in-georgia/
37
impoundment of voting machines and software used throughout Georgia for
expert inspection and retrieval of the software.
93.
An Affiant, who is a network & information cyber-security expert,
under sworn testimony explains that after studying the user manual for
Dominion Voting Systems Democracy software, he learned that the
information about scanned ballots can be tracked inside the software
system for Dominion:
(a) When bulk ballot scanning and tabulation begins, the
"ImageCast Central" workstation operator will load a batch of ballots
into the scanner feed tray and then start the scanning procedure
within the software menu. The scanner then begins to scan the
ballots which were loaded into the feed tray while the "ImageCast
Central" software application tabulates votes in real-time.
Information about scanned ballots can be tracked inside the
"ImageCast Central" software application.
(See attached hereto Exh 22, Declaration of Ronald Watkins, at par. 11).
94.
Affiant further explains that the central operator can remove
or discard batches of votes. “After all of the ballots loaded into the
scanner's feed tray have been through the scanner, the "ImageCast Central"
operator will remove the ballots from the tray then have the option to either
"Accept Batch" or "Discard Batch" on the scanning menu …. “(Id. at par. 8).
38
95.
Affiant further testifies that the Dominion/ Smartmatic user manual
itself makes clear that the system allows for threshold settings to be set to
mark all ballots as “problem ballots” for discretionary determinations on where
the vote goes. It states:
During the scanning process, the "ImageCast Central" software will
detect how much of a percent coverage of the oval was filled in by the
voter. The Dominion customer determines the thresholds of which the
oval needs to be covered by a mark in order to qualify as a valid vote.
If a ballot has a marginal mark which did not meet the specific
thresholds set by the customer, then the ballot is considered a
"problem ballot" and may be set aside into a folder named
"NotCastImages". Through creatively tweaking the oval coverage
threshold settings it should be possible to set thresholds in such a way
that a non-trivial amount of ballots are marked "problem ballots" and
sent to the "NotCastImages" folder. It is possible for an administrator
of the ImageCast Central work station to view all images of scanned
ballots which were deemed "problem ballots" by simply navigating via
the standard "Windows File Explorer" to the folder named
"NotCastImages" which holds ballot scans of "problem ballots". It is
possible for an administrator of the "ImageCast Central" workstation
to view and delete any individual ballot scans from the
"NotCastImages" folder by simply using the standard Windows delete
and recycle bin functions provided by the Windows 10 Pro operating
system.
Id. at pars. 9-10.
96.
The Affiant further explains the vulnerabilities in the system when the
copy of the selected ballots that are approved in the Results folder are made
39
to a flash memory card – and that is connected to a Windows computer
stating:
It is possible for an administrator of the "ImageCast Central"
workstation to view and delete any individual ballot scans from the
"NotCastImages" folder by simply using the standard Windows delete
and recycle bin functions provided by the Windows 10 Pro operating
system. … The upload process is just a simple copying of a "Results"
folder containing vote tallies to a flash memory card connected to the
"Windows 10 Pro" machine. The copy process uses the standard drag-
n-drop or copy/paste mechanisms within the ubiquitous "Windows
File Explorer". While a simple procedure, this process may be error
prone and is very vulnerable to malicious administrators.
Id. at par. 11-13 (emphasis supplied).
97.
It was announced on “Monday, [July 29, 2019], [that] Governor Kemp
awarded a contract for 30,000 new voting machines to Dominion Voting
Systems, scrapping the state’s 17-year-old electronic voting equipment and
replacing it with touchscreens that print out paper ballots.” 12 Critics are
quoted: “Led by Abrams, Democrats fought the legislation and pointed to
cybersecurity experts who warned it would leave Georgia's elections
susceptible to hacking and tampering.” And “Just this week, the Fair Fight
voting rights group started by [Stacy] Abrams launched a television ad
12
Georgia Buys New Voting Machines for 2020 Presidential Election, by Mark Niesse, the
Atlanta Journal-Constitution, July 30, 2019, https://www.ajc.com/news/state--regional-govt--
politics/georgia-awards-contract-for-new-election-system-dominion-
voting/tHh3V8KZnZivJoVzZRLO4O/
40
critical of the bill. In a statement Thursday, the group called it “corruption at
its worst” and a waste of money on “hackable voting machines.” 13
98.
It was further reported in 2019 that the new Dominion Voting
Machines in Georgia “[w]ith Georgia’s current voting system, there’s no way
to guarantee that electronic ballots accurately reflect the choices of
voters because there’s no paper backup to verify results, with it being
reported that:
(a) Recounts are meaningless on the direct-recording electronic
voting machines because they simply reproduce the same numbers
they originally generated.
(b) But paper ballots alone won’t protect the sanctity of elections
on the new touchscreens, called ballot-marking devices.
(c) The new election system depends on voters to verify the printed
text of their choices on their ballots, a step that many voters might
not take. The State Election Board hasn't yet created regulations for
how recounts and audits will be conducted. And paper ballots embed
selections in bar codes that are only readable by scanning machines,
leaving Georgians uncertain whether the bar codes match their
votes. 14
13
Georgia Governor Inks Law to Replace Voting Machines, The Atlanta Journal-Constitution,
AJC News Now, by Greg Bluestein and Mark Niesse, June 14, 2019; Credit: Copyright 2019 The
Associated Press, June 2019
41
i. As part of the scheme and artifice to defraud the plaintiffs, the
candidates and the voters of undiminished and unaltered voting
results in a free and legal election, the Defendants and other persons
known and unknown committed the following violations of law:
50 U.S.C. § 20701 requires the retention and preservation of records
and papers by officers of elections under penalty of fine and imprisonment:
§ 20701. Retention and preservation of records and papers by
officers of elections; deposit with custodian; penalty for
violation
Every officer of election shall retain and preserve, for a period of
twenty-two months from the date of any general, special, or primary
election of which candidates for the office of President, Vice
President, presidential elector, Member of the Senate, Member of the
House of Representatives, or Resident Commissioner from the
Commonwealth of Puerto Rico are voted for, all records and
papers which come into his possession relating to any
application, registration, payment of poll tax, or other act
requisite to voting in such election, except that, when required
by law, such records and papers may be delivered to another officer
of election and except that, if a State or the Commonwealth of Puerto
Rico designates a custodian to retain and preserve these records and
papers at a specified place, then such records and papers may be
deposited with such custodian, and the duty to retain and preserve
any record or paper so deposited shall devolve upon such custodian.
Any officer of election or custodian who willfully fails to comply with
this section shall be fined not more than $1,000 or imprisoned not
more than one year, or both.
50 U.S.C.§ 20701.
99.
In the primaries it was confirmed that, “The rapid introduction of new
technologies and processes in state voting systems heightens the risk of
42
foreign interference and insider tampering. That’s true even if simple human
error or local maneuvering for political advantage are more likely threats 15.
100.
A Penn Wharton Study from 2016 concluded that “Voters and their
representatives in government, often prompted by news of high-profile voting
problems, also have raised concerns about the reliability and integrity of the
voting process, and have increasingly called for the use of modern technology
such as laptops and tablets to improve convenience.” 16
101.
As evidence of the defects or features of the Dominion Democracy Suite,
as described above, the same Dominion Democracy Suite was denied
certification in Texas by the Secretary of State on January 24, 2020
specifically because of a lack of evidence of efficiency and accuracy and
to be safe from fraud or unauthorized manipulation.17
15
See Threats to Georgia Elections Loom Despite New Paper Ballot Voting, By Mark Niesse, The
Atlanta Journal-Constitution and (The AP, Vote-by-Mail worries: A leaky pipeline in many states,
August 8, 2020).
16
Penn Wharton Study by Matt Caufield, The Business of Voting, July 2018.
17Attached hereto, Exh. 23, copy of Report of Review of Dominion Voting Systems Democracy
Suite 5.5-A Elections Division by the Secretary of State’s office, Elections Division, January 24,
2020.
43
102.
Plaintiffs have since learned that the "glitches" in the Dominion
system–that have the uniform effect of taking votes from Trump and shifting
them to Biden—have been widely reported in the press and confirmed by the
analysis of independent experts.
103.
Plaintiffs can show, through expert and fact witnesses that:
c. Dominion/ Smartmatic Systems Have Massive End User
Vulnerabilities.
1. Users on the ground have full admin privileges to machines and
software. Having been created to “rig” elections, the Dominion
system is designed to facilitate vulnerability and allow a select few
to determine which votes will be counted in any election. Workers
were responsible for moving ballot data from polling place to the
collector’s office and inputting it into the correct folder. Any
anomaly, such as pen drips or bleeds, results in a ballot being
rejected. It is then handed over to a poll worker to analyze and
decide if it should count. This creates massive opportunity for purely
discretionary and improper vote “adjudication.”
2. Affiant witness (name redacted for security reasons18), in his sworn
testimony explains he was selected for the national security guard
detail of the President of Venezuela, and that he witnessed the
creation of Smartmatic for the purpose of election vote manipulation
to insure Venezuelan dictator Hugo Chavez never lost an election
and he saw it work. Id.
“The purpose of this conspiracy was to create and operate a voting
system that could change the votes in elections from votes against
44
persons running the Venezuelan government to votes in their
favor in order to maintain control of the government.”
(See Exh. 2, pars. 6, 9, 10).
104.
Smartmatic’s incorporators and inventors have backgrounds evidencing
their foreign connections, including Venezuela and Serbia, specifically its
identified inventors:
Applicant: SMARTMATIC, CORP.
Inventors: Lino Iglesias, Roger Pinate, Antonio Mugica, Paul Babic,
Jeffrey Naveda, Dany Farina, Rodrigo Meneses, Salvador Ponticelli,
Gisela Goncalves, Yrem Caruso. 19
105.
The presence of Smartmatic in the United States—owned by foreign
nationals, and Dominion, a Canadian company with its offices such as the
Office of General Counsel in Germany, would have to be approved by CFIUS.
CFIUS was created in 1988 by the Exon-Florio Amendment to the Defense
Production Act of 1950. CFIUS’ authorizing statute was amended by the
Foreign Investment and National Security Act of 2007 (FINSA).
As amended, section 721 of the DPA directs "the President, acting
through [CFIUS]," to review a "covered transaction to determine
the effects of the transaction on the national security of the
United States." 50 U.S.C. app. § 2170(b)(1)(A). Section 721 defines
19 https://patents.justia.com/assignee/smartmatic-corp
45
a covered transaction as "any merger, acquisition, or takeover …, by
or with any foreign person which could result in foreign control of any
person engaged in interstate commerce in the United States." Id. §
2170(a)(3). Ralls Corp. v. Comm. on Foreign Inv., 758 F.3d 296, 302,
411 U.S. App. D.C. 105, 111, (2014). Review of covered transactions
under section 721 begins with CFIUS. As noted, CFIUS is chaired by
the Treasury Secretary and its members include the heads of
various federal agencies and other high-ranking Government
officials with foreign policy, national security and economic
responsibilities.
106.
Then Congresswoman Carolyn Maloney wrote October 6, 2006 to the
Secretary of Treasury, Henry M. Paulson, Jr., Objecting to approval of
Dominion/Smartmatic by CFIUS because of its corrupt Venezuelan
origination, ownership and control. (See attached hereto as Exh. 24, Carolyn
Maloney Letter of October 6, 2006). Our own government has long known of
this foreign interference on our most important right to vote, and it had
either responded with incompetence, negligence, willful blindness, or abject
corruption. In every CFIUS case, there are two TS/SCI reports generated.
One by the ODNI on the threat and one by DHS on risk to critical
infrastructure. Smartmatic was a known problem when it was nonetheless
approved by CFIUS.
107.
The Wall Street Journal in 2006 did an investigative piece and found
that, “Smartmatic came to prominence in 2004 when its machines were used
46
in an election to recall President Chávez, which Mr. Chávez won handily --
and which the Venezuelan opposition said was riddled with fraud.
Smartmatic put together a consortium to conduct the recall elections,
including a company called Bizta Corp., in which Smartmatic owners had a
large stake. For a time, the Venezuelan government had a 28% stake in Bizta
in exchange for a loan.’ 20 …“Bizta paid off the loan in 2004, and Smartmatic
bought the company the following year. But accusations of Chávez
government control of Smartmatic never ended, especially since Smartmatic
scrapped a simple corporate structure, in which it was based in the U.S. with
a Venezuelan subsidiary, for a far more complex arrangement. The company
said it made the change for tax reasons, but critics, including Rep. Carolyn
Maloney (D., N.Y.) and TV journalist Lou Dobbs, pounded the company for
alleged links to the Chávez regime. Id. Since its purchase by Smartmatic,
Sequoia's sales have risen sharply to a projected $200 million in 2006, said
Smartmatic's chief executive, Anthony Mugica.” Id.
108.
Indeed, Mr. Cobucci testified, through his sworn affidavit, that he born
in Venezuela, is cousins with Antonio (‘Anthony’) Mugica, and he has
20
See WSJ.com, Smartmatic to Sell U.S. Unit, End Probe into Venezuelan Links, by Bob Davis,
12/22/2006, https://www.wsj.com/articles/SB116674617078557263
47
personal knowledge of the fact that Anthony Mugica incorporated
Smartmatic in the U.S. in 2000 with other family members in Venezuela
listed as owners. He also has personal knowledge that Anthony Mugica
manipulated Smartmatic to ensure the election for Chavez in the 2004
Referendum in Venezuela. He also testified, through his sworn affidavit, that
Anthony Mugica received tens of millions of dollars from 2003- 2015 from the
Venezuelan government to ensure Smartmatic technology would be
implemented around the world, including in the U.S. (See attached hereto,
Exh. 25, Juan Carlos Cobucci Aff.)
109.
Another Affiant witness testifies that in Venezuela, she was in an
official position related to elections and witnessed manipulations of petitions
to prevent a removal of President Chavez and because she protested, she was
summarily dismissed. Corroborating the testimony of our secret witness, and
our witness Mr. Cobucci, cousin of Anthony Mugica, who began Smartmatic,
and this witness explains the vulnerabilities of the electronic voting system
and Smartmatica to such manipulations. (See Exh. 3, Diaz Cardozo Aff).
110.
Specific vulnerabilities of the systems in question that have been
documented or reported include:
48
a. Barcodes can override the voters’ vote: As one University of California,
Berkeley study shows, “In all three of these machines [including
Dominion Voting Systems] the ballot marking printer is in the same
paper path as the mechanism to deposit marked ballots into an
attached ballot box. This opens up a very serious security
vulnerability: the voting machine can make the paper ballot (to add
votes or spoil already-cast votes) after the last time the voter sees the
paper, and then deposit that marked ballot into the ballot box without
the possibility of detection.” (See Exh. 7). 21
b. Voting machines were able to be connected to the internet by way of
laptops that were obviously internet accessible. If one laptop was
connected to the internet, the entire precinct was compromised.
c. We … discovered that at least some jurisdictions were not aware that
their systems were online,” said Kevin Skoglund, an independent
security consultant who conducted the research with nine others, all of
them long-time security professionals and academics with expertise in
election security. Vice. August 2019. 22
21
Ballot Marking Devices (BMDs) Cannot Assure the Will of the Voters, Andrew W. Appel,
Richard T. DeMillo, University of California, Berkeley, 12/27/2019.
22
Exclusive: Critical U.S. Election Systems Have Been Left Exposed Online Despite Official
Denials, Motherboard Tech by Vice, by Kim Zetter, August 8, 2019,
https://www.vice.com/en/article/3kxzk9/exclusive-critical-us-election-systems-have-been-left-
exposed-online-despite-official-denials
49
d. October 6, 2006 – Congresswoman Carolyn Maloney called on Secretary
of Treasury Henry Paulson to conduct an investigation into Smartmatic
based on its foreign ownership and ties to Venezuela. (See Exh. 24)
e. Congresswoman Maloney wrote that “It is undisputed that Smartmatic
is foreign owned and it has acquired Sequoia … Smartmatica now
acknowledged that Antonio Mugica, a Venezuelan businessman has a
controlling interest in Smartmatica, but the company has not revealed
who all other Smartmatic owners are.” Id.
f. Dominion “got into trouble” with several subsidiaries it used over
alleged cases of fraud. One subsidiary is Smartmatic, a company “that
has played a significant role in the U.S. market over the last decade,”
according to a report published by UK-based AccessWire 23.
g. Litigation over Smartmatic “glitches” alleges they impacted the 2010
and 2013 mid-term elections in the Philippines, raising questions of
cheating and fraud. An independent review of the source codes used in
the machines found multiple problems, which concluded, “The software
23
Voting Technology Companies in the U.S. – Their Histories and Present Contributions, Access
Wire, August 10, 2017, https://www.accesswire.com/471912/Voting-Technology-Companies-in-
the-US--Their-Histories.
50
inventory provided by Smartmatic is inadequate, … which brings into
question the software credibility…” 24
h. Dominion acquired Sequoia Voting Systems as well as Premier Election
Solutions (formerly part of Diebold, which sold Premier to ES&S in
2009, until antitrust issues forced ES&S to sell Premier, which then
was acquired by Dominion). 25.
i. Dominion entered into a 2009 contract with Smartmatic and provided
Smartmatic with the PCOS machines (optical scanners) that were used
in the 2010 Philippine election—the biggest automated election run by
a private company. The international community hailed the
automation of that first election in the Philippines. 26 The results’
transmission reached 90% of votes four hours after polls closed and
Filipinos knew for the first time who would be their new president on
Election Day. In keeping with local election law requirements,
Smartmatic and Dominion were required to provide the source code of
24
Smartmatic-TIM running out of time to fix glitches, ABS-CBN News, May 4, 2010
https://news.abs-cbn.com/nation/05/04/10/smartmatic-tim-running-out-time-fix-glitches
25
The Business of Voting, Penn Wharton, Caufield, p. 16.
26
Smartmatic-TIM running out of time to fix glitches, ABS-CBN News, May 4, 2010
https://news.abs-cbn.com/nation/05/04/10/smartmatic-tim-running-out-time-fix-glitches
51
the voting machines prior to elections so that it could be independently
verified. 27
j. In late December of 2019, three Democrat Senators, Warren,
Klobuchar, Wyden, and House Member Mark Pocan wrote about their
‘particularized concerns that secretive & “trouble -plagued
companies”’ “have long skimped on security in favor of
convenience,” in the context of how they described the voting machine
systems that three large vendors – Election Systems & Software,
Dominion Voting Systems, & Hart InterCivic – collectively provide
voting machines & software that facilitate voting for over 90% of all
eligible voters in the U.S.” (See attached hereto as Exh. 26, copy of
Senator Warren, Klobuchar, Wyden’s December 6, 2019 letter).
k. Senator Ron Wyden (D-Oregon) said the findings [insecurity of voting
systems] are “yet another damning indictment of the profiteering
election vendors, who care more about the bottom line than protecting
our democracy.” It’s also an indictment, he said, “of the notion that
important cybersecurity decisions should be left entirely to county
27
Presumably the machiens were not altered following submission of the code. LONDON,
ENGLAND / ACCESSWIRE / August 10, 2017, Voting Technology Companies in the U.S. -
Their Histories and Present Contributions
52
election offices, many of whom do not employ a single cybersecurity
specialist.” 28
111.
An analysis of the Dominion software system by a former US Military
Intelligence expert concludes that the system and software have been
accessible and were certainly compromised by rogue actors, such as Iran and
China. By using servers and employees connected with rogue actors and
hostile foreign influences combined with numerous easily discoverable leaked
credentials, Dominion neglectfully allowed foreign adversaries to access data
and intentionally provided access to their infrastructure in order to monitor
and manipulate elections, including the most recent one in 2020. (See Exh.
7).
112.
An expert witness in pending litigation in the United States District
Court, Northern District Court of Georgia, Atlanta Div., 17-cv-02989
specifically testified to the acute security vulnerabilities, among other facts,
by declaration filed on October 4, 2020, (See Exh. 4B, Document 959-4
28
Exclusive: Critical U.S. Election Systems Have Been Left Exposed Online Despite Official
Denials, Motherboard Tech by Vice, by Kim Zetter, August 8, 2019,
https://www.vice.com/en/article/3kxzk9/exclusive-critical-us-election-systems-have-been-left-
exposed-online-despite-official-denials
53
attached hereto, paragraph. 18 and 20 of p. 28, Exh. 4, Hursti Declaration).
wherein he testified or found:
1) The failure of the Dominion software “to meet the methods and
processes for national standards for managing voting system problems and
should not be accepted for use in a public election under any circumstances.”
2) In Hursti’s declaration he explained that “There is evidence of
remote access and remote troubleshooting which presents a grave security
implication and certified identified vulnerabilities should be considered an
“extreme security risk.” Id. Hari Hursti also explained that USB drives with
vote tally information were observed to be removed from the presence of poll
watchers during a recent election. Id. The fact that there are no controls of
the USB drives was seen recently seen the lack of physical security and
compliance with professional standards, " in one Georgia County, where it is
reported that 3,300 votes were found on memory sticks not loaded plus in
Floyd county, another 2,600 were unscanned, and the “found votes” reduced
Biden’s lead over Donald Trump 29.
(a) In the prior case against Dominion, supra, further
implicating the secrecy behind the software used in Dominion Systems,
29
Recount find thousands of Georgia votes, Atlanta Journal-Constitution by Mark Niesse and
David Wickert,11/19/20. https://www.ajc.com/politics/recount-finds-thousands-of-georgia-
votes-missing-from-initial-counts/ERDRNXPH3REQTM4SOINPSEP72M/
54
Dr. Eric Coomer, a Vice President of Dominion Voting Systems,
testified that even he was not sure of what testing solutions were
available to test problems or how that was done, “ I have got to be
honest, we might be a little bit out of my bounds of understanding the
rules and regulations… and in response to a question on testing for
voting systems problems in relation to issues identified in 2 counties,
he explained that “Your Honor, I’m not sure of the complete test plan…
Again Pro V&V themselves determine what test plan in necessary based
on their analysis of the code itself.” (Id. at Document 959-4, pages 53,
62 L.25- p. 63 L3).
113.
Hursti stated within said Declaration:
“The security risks outlined above – operating system risks, the
failure to harden the computers, performing operations directly on
the operating systems, lax control of memory cards, lack of
procedures, and potential remote access are extreme and destroy the
credibility of the tabulations and output of the reports coming from a
voting system.”
(See Paragraph 49 of Hursti Declaration).
114.
Rather than engaging in an open and transparent process to give
credibility to Georgia’s brand-new voting system, the election processes were
55
hidden during the receipt, review, opening, and tabulation of those votes in
direct contravention of Georgia’s Election Code and federal law.
115.
The House of Representatives passed H.R. 2722 in an attempt to
address these very risks identified by Hursti, on June 27, 2019:
This bill addresses election security through grant programs and
requirements for voting systems and paper ballots.
The bill establishes requirements for voting systems, including that
systems (1) use individual, durable, voter-verified paper ballots; (2)
make a voter's marked ballot available for inspection and verification
by the voter before the vote is cast; (3) ensure that individuals with
disabilities are given an equivalent opportunity to vote, including
with privacy and independence, in a manner that produces a voter-
verified paper ballot; (4) be manufactured in the United States; and
(5) meet specified cybersecurity requirements, including the
prohibition of the connection of a voting system to the internet.
ADDITIONAL SPECIFIC FRAUD
116.
On November 4, 2020, the Georgia GOP Chairman issued the following
statement:
“Let me repeat. Fulton County elections officials told the media and
our observers that they were shutting down the tabulation center at
State Farm Arena at 10:30 p.m. on election night to continue counting
ballots in secret until 1:00 a.m. 30
56
117.
It was widely reported that "As of 7 p.m. on Wednesday Fulton County
Elections officials said 30,000 absentee ballots were not processed due to a
pipe burst.” 31 Officials reassured voters that none of the ballots were
damaged and the water was quickly cleaned up. But the emergency delayed
officials from processing ballots between 5:30 a.m. and 9:30 a.m. Officials say
they continued to count beginning at 8:30 a.m. Wednesday. The statement
from Fulton County continues:
"Tonight, Fulton County will report results for approximately 86,000
absentee ballots, as well as Election Day and Early Voting results.
These represent the vast majority of ballots cast within Fulton
County.
"As planned, Fulton County will continue to tabulate the remainder
of absentee ballots over the next two days. Absentee ballot processing
requires that each ballot is opened, signatures verified, and ballots
scanned. This is a labor-intensive process that takes longer to
tabulate than other forms of voting. Fulton County did not anticipate
having all absentee ballots processed on Election Day." Officials said
they will work to ensure every vote is counted and all laws and
regulations are followed. 32
31
“4,000 remaining absentee ballots being counted in Fulton County”, Fox 5 Atlanta,
November 3, 2020, https://www.fox5atlanta.com/news/pipe-burst-at-state-farm-arena-
delays-absentee-ballot-processing
32
4,000 remaining absentee ballots being counted in Fulton County, Fox 5 Atlanta,
November 3, 2020, https://www.fox5atlanta.com/news/pipe-burst-at-state-farm-arena-
delays-absentee-ballot-processing
57
118.
Plaintiffs have learned that the representation about “a water leak
affecting the room where absentee ballots were counted” was not true. The
only water leak that needed repairs at State Farm Arena from November 3 –
November 5 was a toilet overflow that occurred earlier on November 3. It
had nothing to do with a room with ballot counting, but the false water break
representation led to “everyone being sent home.” Nonetheless, first six (6)
people, then three (3) people stayed until 1:05 a.m. working on the
computers.
119.
An Affiant recounts how she was present at State Farm Arena on
November 3, and saw election workers remaining behind after people were
told to leave. (See Exh. 28, Affidavit of Mitchell Harrison; Exh. 29, Affid. of
Michelle Branton)
120.
Plaintiffs have also learned through several reports that in 2010 Eric
Coomer joined Dominion as Vice President of U.S. Engineering. According to
his bio, Coomer graduated from the University of California, Berkeley with a
Ph.D. in Nuclear Physics. Eric Coomer was later promoted to Voting Systems
Officer of Strategy and Security although Coomer has since been removed
from the Dominion page of directors. Dominion altered its website after
58
Colorado resident Joe Oltmann disclosed that as a reporter he infiltrated
ANTIFA, a domestic terrorist organization where he recorded Eric Coomer
representing: “Don’t worry. Trump won’t win the election, we fixed that.” – as
well as social media posts with violence threatened against President Trump.
(See Joe Oltmann interview with Michelle Malkin dated November 13, 2020
which contains copies of Eric Coomer’s recording and tweets). 33
121.
While the bedrock of American elections has been transparency, almost
every crucial aspect of Georgia’s November 3, 2020, General Election was
shrouded in secrecy, rife with “errors,” and permeated with anomalies so
egregious as to render the results incapable of certification.
MULTIPLE EXPERT REPORTS AND STATISTICAL
ANALYSES PROVE HUNDREDS OF THOUSANDS OF VOTES
WERE LOST OR SHIFTED THAT COST PRESIDENT TRUMP
AND THE REPUBLICAN CANDIDATES OF
CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICTS 6 AND 7 THEIR RACES.
122.
As evidenced by numerous public reports, expert reports, and witness
statements, Defendants egregious misconduct has included ignoring
legislative mandates concerning mail-in and ordinary ballots and led to
33 Malkin Live: Election Update, Interview of Joe Oltmann, by Michelle Malkin, November 13,
2020, available at:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dh1X4s9HuLo&fbclid=IwAR2EaJc1M9RT3DaUraAjsycM
0uPKB3uM_-MhH6SMeGrwNyJ3vNmlcTsHxF4
59
disenfranchisement of an enormous number of Georgia voters. Plaintiffs
experts can show that, consistent with the above specific misrepresentations,
analysis of voting data reveals the following:
(a) Regarding uncounted mail ballots, based on evidence
gathered by Matt Braynard in the form of recorded calls and
declarations of voters, and analyzed by Plaintiff’s expert, Williams M.
Briggs, PhD, shows, based on a statistically significant sample, that
the total number of mail ballots that voters mailed in, but were
never counted, have a 95% likelihood of falling between 31,559
and 38,886 total lost votes. This range exceeds the margin of loss of
President Trump of 12,670 votes by at least 18,889 lost votes and by as
many as 26,196 lost votes. (See Exh. 1, Dr. Briggs’ Report, with
attachments).
(b) Plaintiff’s expert also finds that voters received tens of
thousands of ballots that they never requested. (See Exh. 1).
Specifically, Dr. Briggs found that in the state of Georgia, based on a
statistically significant sample, the expected amount of persons that
received an absentee ballot that they did not request ranges from
16,938 to 22,771. This range exceeds the margin of loss of
60
President Trump by 12,670 votes by at least 4,268 unlawful
requests and by as many as 10,101 unlawful requests. Id.
(c) This widespread pattern, as reflected within the population
of unreturned ballots analyzed by Dr. Briggs, reveals the unavoidable
reality that, in addition to the calculations herein, third parties voted
an untold number of unlawfully acquired absentee or mail-in ballots,
which would not be in the database of unreturned ballots analyzed
here. See O.G.C.A. 21-2-522. These unlawfully voted ballots
prohibited properly registered persons from voting and reveal
a pattern of widespread fraud down ballot as well.
(d) Further, as calculated by Matt Braynard, there exists
clear evidence of 20,311 absentee or early voters in Georgia that
voted while registered as having moved out of state. (See Id.,
attachment to report). Specifically, these persons were showing on the
National Change of Address Database (NCOA) as having moved, or as
having filed subsequent voter registration in another state also as
evidence that they moved and even potentially voted in another state.
The 20,311 votes by persons documented as having moved exceeds the
margin by which Donald Trump lost the election by 7,641 votes.
61
(e) Applying pro-rata the above calculations separately to Cobb
County based on the number of unreturned ballots, a range of 1,255
and 1,687 ballots ordered by 3rd parties and a range of 2,338 and 2,897
lost mail ballots, plus 10,684 voters documented in the NCOA as
having moved, for a combined minimum of 14,276 missing and
unlawful ballots, and maximum of 15,250 missing and unlawful
ballots, which exceeds the statewide Presidential race total
margin by a range of as few as 1,606 ballots and as many as
2,580 in the County of Cobb alone impacting the Cobb County
Republican Party (“Cobb County Republicans”).
123.
As seen from the expert analysis of Eric Quinnell, mathematical
anomalies further support these findings, when in various districts within
Fulton County such as vote gains that exceed reasonable expectations
when compared to 2016, and a failure of gains to be normally distributed
but instead shifting substantially toward the tail of the distribution in
what is known as a platykurtic distribution. Dr. Quinell identifies
numerous anomalies such as votes to Biden in excess of 2016 exceed the
registrations that are in excess of 2016. Ultimately, he identifies the
counties in order of their excess performance over what would have fit in a
62
normal distribution of voting gains, revealing a list of the most anomalous
counties down to the least. These various anomalies provide evidence of
voting irregularities. (See Exh.27, Declaration of Eric Quinnell, with
attachments).
124.
In sum, with the expert analysis of William M. Briggs PhD based on
recorded calls and declarations, the extent of missing AND unlawfully
requested ballots create substantial evidence that the mail ballot system has
fundamentally failed to provide a fair voting mechanism. In short, tens of
thousands of votes did not count while the pattern of fraud makes clear that
tens of thousands were improperly counted. This margin of victory in the
election for Mr. Biden was only 12,670 and cannot withstand most of these
criticisms individually and certainly not in aggregate.
125.
Cobb county, based on lost votes, unlawfully requested votes and
NCOA data on these facts alone would consume more than the entire margin
of the statewide difference in the Presidential race. These election results
must be reversed.
126.
Applying pro-rata the above calculations separately to Cobb County
based on the number of unreturned ballots, a range of 1,255 and 1,687 ballots
63
ordered by 3rd parties and a range of 2,338 and 2,897 lost mail ballots, plus
10,684 voters documented in the NCOA as having moved, for a combined
minimum of 14,276 missing and unlawful ballots, and maximum of
15,250 missing and unlawful ballots, which exceeds the statewide
Presidential race total margin by a range of as few as 1,606 ballots
and as many as 2,580 in the County of Cobb alone impacting the
Cobb County Republican Party (“Cobb County Republicans”). (See
Exh. 1).
127.
Mr. Braynard also found a pattern in Georgia of voters registered at
totally fraudulent residence addresses, including shopping centers, mail drop
stores and other non-residential facilities 34.
128.
In sum, with the expert analysis of William M. Briggs PhD based on
extensive investigation, recorded calls and declarations collected by Matt
Braynard, (See attachments to Exh. 1, Briggs’ report) the extent of missing
and unlawfully requested ballots create substantial evidence that the mail
ballot system has fundamentally failed to provide a fair voting mechanism. In
34
Matt Braynard, https://twitter.com/MattBraynard/status/1331324173910761476;
https://twitter.com/MattBraynard/status/1331299873556086787?s=20; (a)
https://twitter.com/MattBraynard/status/1331299873556086787?s=20
64
short, tens of thousands of votes did not count while the pattern of fraud and
mathematical anomalies that are impossible absent malign human agency
makes clear that tens of thousands were improperly counted. This margin of
victory in the election for Mr. Biden was only 12,670 and cannot withstand
most of these criticisms individually and certainly not in aggregate.
129.
Cobb county, based on lost votes, unlawfully requested votes and
NCOA data on these facts alone would consume more than the entire margin
of the statewide difference in the Presidential race.
130.
Russell Ramsland confirms that data breaches in the Dominion
software permitted rogue actors to penetrate and manipulate the
software during the recent general election. He further concludes
that at least 96,600 mail-in ballots were illegally counted as they
were not cast by legal voters.
131.
In sum, as set forth above, for a host of independent reasons, the
Georgia certified election results concluding that Joe Biden received 12,670
more votes that President Donald Trump must be set aside.
65
COUNT I
D E F E N D A N T S VIOLATED T H E E L E C T I O N S C L A U S E A N D 42 U.S.C. §
1983
132.
Plaintiffs reallege all preceding paragraphs as if fully set forth herein.
133.
The Electors Clause states that “[e]ach State shall appoint, in such
Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors” for
President. Art. II, § 1, cl. 2 (emphasis added). Likewise, the Elections Clause
of the U.S. Constitution states that “[t]he Times, Places, and Manner of
holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in
each State by the Legislature thereof.” Art. I, § 4, cl. 1 (emphasis added).
134.
The Legislature is “‘the representative body which ma[kes] the laws of
the people.’” Smiley, 285 U.S. at 193. Regulations of congressional and
presidential elections, thus, “must be in accordance with the method which
the state has prescribed for legislative enactments.” Id. at 367; see also Ariz.
State Legislature v. Ariz. Indep. Redistricting Comm’n, 135 S. Ct. 2652, 2668
(2015).
66
135.
Defendants are not part of the General Assembly and cannot exercise
legislative power. Rather, Defendants’ power is limited to “tak[ing] care that
the laws be faithfully executed.” Pa. Const. Art. IV, § 2. Because the United
States Constitution reserves for the General Assembly the power to set the
time, place, and manner of holding elections for the President and Congress,
county boards of elections and state executive officers have no authority to
unilaterally exercise that power, much less to hold them in ways that conflict
with existing legislation.
136.
Defendants are not the legislature, and their unilateral decision to
create a “cure procedure” violates the Electors and Elections Clauses of the
United States Constitution.
137.
The Secretary of State and the State Election Board are not the
legislature, and their decision to permit early processing of absentee ballots
in direct violation of the unambiguous requirements of O.C.G.A. § 21-2-
386(a)(2) violates the Electors and Elections Clauses of the United States
Constitution.
67
138.
Many Affiants testified to many legal infractions in the voting process,
including specifically switching absentee ballots or mail-in ballots for Trump
to Biden. Even a Democrat testified in his sworn affidavit that before he was
forced to move back to where he could not see, he had in fact seen, “I also saw
absentee ballots for Trump inserted into Biden’s stack, and counted as Biden
votes. This occurred a few times”. (See Exh. 18, Par. 12).
139.
Plaintiff’s expert also finds that voters received tens of thousands of
ballots that they never requested. (See Exh. 1, Dr. Briggs’ Report).
Specifically, Dr. Briggs found that in the state of Georgia, based on a
statistically significant sample, the expected amount of persons that received
an absentee ballot that they did not request one ranges from 16,938 to
22,771. This range exceeds the margin of loss of President Trump by 12,670
votes by at least 4,268 unlawful requests and by as many as 10,101 unlawful
requests.
140.
This widespread pattern, as reflected within the population of
unreturned ballots analyzed by Dr. Briggs, reveals the unavoidable reality
that, in addition to the calculations herein, third parties voted an untold
number of unlawfully acquired absentee or mail-in ballots, which would not
68
be in the database of unreturned ballots analyzed here. See O.G.C.A. 21-2-
522. These unlawfully voted ballots prohibited properly registered persons
from voting and reveal a pattern of widespread fraud.
141.
Further, as shown by data collected by Matt Braynard, there exists
clear evidence of 20,311 absentee or early voters in Georgia that voted while
registered as having moved out of state. Specifically, these persons were
showing on the National Change of Address Database (NCOA) as having
moved, or as having filed subsequent voter registration in another state also
as evidence that they moved and even potentially voted in another state. The
20,311 votes by persons documented as having moved exceeds the margin by
which Donald Trump lost the election by 7,641 votes.
142.
Plaintiffs have no adequate remedy at law and will suffer serious and
irreparable harm unless the injunctive relief requested herein is granted.
Defendants have acted and, unless enjoined, will act under color of state law
to violate the Elections Clauses of the Constitution. Accordingly, the results
for President and Congress in the November 3, 2020 election must be set
aside. The results are infected with Constitutional violations.
COUNT II
69
THE SECRETARY OF STATE AND GEORGIA COUNTIES VIOLATED
T H E F O U R T E E N T H A M E N D M E N T U.S. C O N S T . A M E N D . XIV, 42
U.S.C. § 1983
DENIAL OF EQUAL PROTECTION
INVALID ENACTMENT OF REGULATIONS AFFECTING
OBSERVATION AND MONITORING OF THE ELECTION
143.
Plaintiffs refer to and incorporate by reference each of the prior
paragraphs of this Complaint as though the same were repeated at length
herein.
144.
The Fourteenth Amendment of the United States Constitution provides
“nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without
due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal
protection of the laws. See also Bush v. Gore, 531 U.S. 98, 104 (2000)(having
once granted the right to vote on equal terms, the State may not, by later
arbitrary and disparate treatment, value one person’s vote over the value of
another’s). Harper v. Virginia Board of Elections, 383 U.S. 663, 665 (1966)
(“Once the franchise is granted to the electorate, lines may not be drawn
which are inconsistent with the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment.”).
70
145.
The Court has held that to ensure equal protection, a “problem inheres
in the absence of specific standards to ensure its equal application. The
formulation of uniform rules to determine intent based on these recurring
circumstances is practicable and, we conclude, necessary.” Bush v. Gore, 531
U.S. 98, 106, 121 S. Ct. 525, 530, 148 L. Ed. 2d 388 (2000).
146.
The equal enforcement of election laws is necessary to preserve our
most basic and fundamental rights. The requirement of equal protection is
particularly stringently enforced as to laws that affect the exercise of
fundamental rights, including the right to vote.
147.
In statewide and federal elections conducted in the State of Georgia,
including without limitation the November 3, 2020, General Election, all
candidates, political parties, and voters, including without limitation
Plaintiffs, have a vested interest in being present and having meaningful
access to observe and monitor the electoral process in each County to ensure
that it is properly administered in every election district and otherwise free,
fair, and transparent.
71
148.
Moreover, through its provisions involving watchers and
representatives, the Georgia Election Code ensures that all candidates and
political parties in each County, including the Trump Campaign, have
meaningful access to observe and monitor the electoral process to ensure that
it is properly administered in every election district and otherwise free, fair,
and transparent. See, e.g. In plain terms, the statute clearly prohibits
opening absentee ballots prior to election day, while the rule authorizes doing
so three weeks before election day. There is no reconciling this conflict. The
State Election Board has authority under O.C.G.A. § 21-2-31 to adopt lawful
and legal rules and regulations, but no authority to promulgate a regulation
that is directly contrary to an unambiguous statute. Rule 183-1-14-0.9-.15 is
therefore plainly and indisputably unlawful.
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Plaintiffs also bring this action under Georgia law, O.C.G.A. § 21-2-522,
Grounds for Contest:
149.
A result of a primary or election may be contested on one or more of the
following grounds:
150.
(1) Misconduct, fraud, or irregularity by any primary or election official or
officials sufficient to change or place in doubt the result;
(2) When the defendant is ineligible for the nomination or office in dispute;
(3) When illegal votes have been received or legal votes rejected at the polls
sufficient to change or place in doubt the result;
(4) For any error in counting the votes or declaring the result of the
primary or election, if such error would change the result; or
(5) For any other cause which shows that another was the person legally
nominated, elected, or eligible to compete in a run-off primary or election.
O.C.G.A. § 21-2-522.
151.
Several affiants testified to the improper procedures with absentee
ballots processing, with the lack of auditable procedures with the logs in the
computer systems, which violates Georgia law, and federal election law. See
73
also, 50 U.S.C. § 20701 requires the retention and preservation of records and
papers by officers of elections under penalty of fine and imprisonment.
152.
The State Election Board re-adopted Rule 183-1-14-0.9-.15 on
November 23, 2020 for the upcoming January 2021 runoff election.
153.
A large number of ballots were identical and likely fraudulent. An
Affiant explains that she observed a batch of utterly pristine ballots:
14. Most of the ballots had already been handled; they had been
written on by people, and the edges were worn. They showed obvious
use. However, one batch stood out. It was pristine. There was a
difference in the texture of the paper - it was if they were intended
for absentee use but had not been used for that purposes. There was
a difference in the feel.
15. These different ballots included a slight depressed pre-fold so
they could be easily folded and unfolded for use in the scanning
machines. There were no markings on the ballots to show where they
had com~ from, or where they had been processed. These stood out.
16. In my 20 years of experience of handling ballots, I observed that
the markings for the candidates on these ballots were unusually
uniform, perhaps even with a ballot-marking device. By my estimate
in observing these ballots, approximately 98% constituted votes for
Joe Biden. I only observed two of these ballots as votes for President
Donald J. Trump.” (See Exh. 15).
154.
The same Affiant further testified specifically to the breach of the chain
of custody of the voting machines the night before the election stating:
74
we typically receive the machines, the ballot marking devices – on
the Friday before the election, with a chain of custody letter to be
signed on Sunday, indicating that we had received the machines and
the counts on the machines when received, and that the machines
have been sealed. In this case, we were asked to sign the chain
of custody letter on Sunday, even though the machines were
not delivered until 2:00 AM in the morning on Election Day.
The Milton precinct received its machines at 1:00 AM in the morning
on Election Day. This is unacceptable and voting machines should
[not] be out of custody prior to an Election Day. Id.
155.
Defendants have a duty to treat the voting citizens in each County in
the same manner as the citizens in other counties in Georgia.
156.
As set forth in Count I above, Defendants failed to comply with the
requirements of the Georgia Election Code and thereby diluted the lawful
ballots of the Plaintiffs and of other Georgia voters and electors in violation of
the United States Constitution guarantee of Equal Protection.
157.
Specifically, Defendants denied the plaintiffs equal protection of the
law and their equal rights to meaningful access to observe and monitor the
electoral process enjoyed by citizens in other Georgia Counties by:
(a) mandating that representatives at the pre-canvass and
canvass of all absentee and mail-ballots be either Georgia barred
75
attorneys or qualified registered electors of the county in which
they sought to observe and monitor;
(b) not allowing watchers and representatives to visibly see and
review all envelopes containing official absentee and mail-in
ballots either at or before they were opened and/or when such
ballots were counted and recorded; and
(c) allowing the use of Dominion Democracy Suite software and
devices, which failed to meet the Dominion Certification Report’s
conditions for certification.
158.
Instead, Defendants refused to credential all of the Trump Republican’s
submitted watchers and representatives and/or kept Trump Campaign’s
watchers and representatives by security and metal barricades from the
areas where the inspection, opening, and counting of absentee and mail-in
ballots were taking place. Consequently, Defendants created a system
whereby it was physically impossible for the candidates and political parties
to view the ballots and verify that illegally cast ballots were not opened and
counted
159.
Many Affiants testified to switching absentee ballots or mail-in ballots
for Trump to Biden, including a Democrat. He testified in his sworn
affidavit, that before he was forced to move back to where he could not see, he
76
had in fact seen, “absentee ballots for Trump inserted into Biden’s stack, and
counted as Biden votes. This occurred a few times”. (See Exh. 18, Par. 12).
160.
Other Georgia county boards of elections provided watchers and
representatives of candidates and political parties, including without
limitation watchers and representatives of the Republicans and the Trump
Campaign, with appropriate access to view the absentee and mail-in ballots
being pre-canvassed and canvassed by those county election boards and
without restricting representatives by any county residency or Georgia bar
licensure requirements.
161.
Defendants intentionally and/or arbitrarily and capriciously denied
Plaintiffs access to and/or obstructed actual observation and monitoring of
the absentee and mail-in ballots being pre-canvassed and canvassed by
Defendants, depriving them of the equal protection of those state laws
enjoyed by citizens in other Counties.
162.
Defendants have acted and will continue to act under color of state law
to violate Plaintiffs’ right to be present and have actual observation and
access to the electoral process as secured by the Equal Protection Clause of
the United States Constitution.
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163.
Defendants further violated Georgia voters’ rights to equal protection
insofar as Defendants allowed the Georgia counties to process and count
ballots in a manner that allowed ineligible ballots to be counted, and through
the use of Dominion Democracy Suite, allowed eligible ballots for Trump and
McCormick to be switched to Biden or lost altogether. Defendants thus failed
to conduct the general election in a uniform manner as required by the Equal
Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment and the Georgia Election
Code.
164.
Plaintiffs seek declaratory and injunctive relief holding that the
election, under these circumstances, was improperly certified and that the
Governor be enjoined from transmitting Georgia’s certified Presidential
election results to the Electoral College. Georgia law forbids certifying a tally
that includes any ballots that were not legally cast, or that were switched
from Trump to Biden, through the unlawful use of Dominion Democracy
Suite software and devices.
165.
Alternatively, Plaintiffs seek declaratory and injunctive relief holding
that the election, under these circumstances, was improperly certified and
that the Governor be required to recertify the results declaring that Donald
78
Trump has won the election and transmitting Georgia’s certified Presidential
election result in favor of President Trump.
166.
Plaintiffs have no adequate remedy at law and will suffer serious and
irreparable harm unless the declaratory and injunctive relief requested
herein is granted. Indeed, the setting aside of an election in which the people
have chosen their representative is a drastic remedy that should not be
undertaken lightly, but instead should be reserved for cases in which a
person challenging an election has clearly established a violation of election
procedures and has demonstrated that the violation has placed the result of
the election in doubt. Georgia law allows elections to be contested through
litigation, both as a check on the integrity of the election process and as a
means of ensuring the fundamental right of citizens to vote and to have their
votes counted accurately. O.C.G.A. § 21-2-520 et seq.
167.
In addition to the alternative requests for relief in the preceding
paragraphs, hereby restated, Plaintiffs seek a permanent injunction
requiring the County Election Boards to invalidate ballots cast by: 1) voters
whose signatures on their registrations have not been matched with ballot,
envelope and voter registration check; 2) all “dead votes”; and 4) all 900
military ballots in Fulton county that supposedly were 100% for Joe Biden.
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COUNT III
F O U R T E E N T H A M E N D M E N T E Q U A L P R O T E C T I O N C L A U S E U.S.
C O N S T . A M E N D . XIV, 42 U.S.C. § 1983
DENIAL OF DUE PROCESS
D I S P A R A T E T R E A T M E N T O F A B S E N T E E /M A I L -I N V O T E R S A M O N G
DIFFERENT COUNTIES
168.
Plaintiffs incorporate each of the prior allegations in this Complaint.
Voting is a fundamental right protected by the Fourteenth Amendment
to the United States Constitution. The Fourteenth Amendment protects the
right to vote from conduct by state officials which seriously undermines the
fundamental fairness of the electoral process. Marks v. Stinson, 19 F.3d 873,
889 (3d Cir. 1994); Griffin, 570 F.2d at 1077-78. “[H]aving once granted the
right to vote on equal terms, the State may not, by later arbitrary and
disparate treatment, value one person’s vote over that of another.” Bush, 531
U.S. at 104-05.
169.
Defendants are not part of the General Assembly and cannot exercise
legislative power. Rather, Defendants’ power is limited to executing the laws
as passed by the legislature Although the Georgia General Assembly may
enact laws governing the conduct of elections, “no legislative enactment may
80
contravene the requirements of the Georgia or United States Constitutions.”
Shankey, 257 A. 2d at 898.
170.
Federal courts “possess broad discretion to fashion an equitable
remedy.” Black Warrior Riverkeeper, Inc. v. U.S. Army Corps of Engineers,
781 F.3d 1271, 1290 (11th Cir. 2015); Castle v. Sangamo Weston, Inc., 837
F.2d 1550, 1563 (11th Cir. 1988) (“The decision whether to grant equitable
relief, and, if granted, what form it shall take, lies in the discretion of the
district court.”).
171.
Moreover, “[t]o the extent that a voter is at risk for having his or her
ballot rejected due to minor errors made in contravention of those
requirements, … the decision to provide a ‘notice and opportunity to cure’
procedure to alleviate that risk is one best suited for the Legislature[,] . . .
particularly in light of the open policy questions attendant to that decision,
including what the precise contours of the procedure would be, how the
concomitant burdens would be addressed, and how the procedure would
impact the confidentiality and counting of ballots, all of which are best left to
the legislative branch of Georgia's government.” Id.
81
172.
The disparate treatment of Georgia voters, in subjecting one class of
voters to greater burdens or scrutiny than another, violates Equal Protection
guarantees because “the right of suffrage can be denied by a debasement or
dilution of the weight of a citizen’s vote just as effectively as by wholly
prohibiting the free exercise of the franchise.” Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 555. Rice
v. McAlister, 268 Ore. 125, 128, 519 P.2d 1263, 1265 (1975); Heitman v.
Brown Grp., Inc., 638 S.W.2d 316, 319, 1982 Mo. App. LEXIS 3159, at *4 (Mo.
Ct. App. 1982); Prince v. Bear River Mut. Ins. Co., 2002 UT 68, ¶ 41, 56 P.3d
524, 536-37 (Utah 2002).
173.
Defendants are not the legislature, and their unilateral decision to
create and implement a cure procedure for some but not all absentee and
mail-in voters in this State violates the Due Process Clause of the United
States Constitution. Plaintiffs have no adequate remedy at law and will
suffer serious and irreparable harm unless the injunctive relief requested
herein is granted.
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COUNT IV
F O U R T E E N T H A M E N D M E N T , U.S. C O N S T . A R T . I § 4, C L . 1; A R T .
II, § 1, C L . 2; A M E N D . XIV, 42 U.S.C. § 1983
DENIAL OF DUE PROCESS ON THE RIGHT TO VOTE
174.
Plaintiffs refer to and incorporate by reference each of the prior
paragraphs of this Complaint as though the same were repeated at length
herein.
175.
The right of qualified citizens to vote in a state election involving
federal candidates is recognized as a fundamental right under the Fourteenth
Amendment of the United States Constitution. Harper, 383 U.S. at See also
Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 554 (The Fourteenth Amendment protects the “the
right of all qualified citizens to vote, in state as well as in federal elections.”).
Indeed, ever since the Slaughter-House Cases, 83 U.S. 36 (1873), the United
States Supreme Court has held that the Privileges or Immunities Clause of
the Fourteenth Amendment protects certain rights of federal citizenship from
state interference, including the right of citizens to directly elect members of
Congress. See Twining v. New Jersey, 211 U.S. 78, 97 (1908) (citing Ex parte
Yarbrough, 110 U.S. 651, 663-64 (1884)). See also Oregon v. Mitchell, 400
U.S. 112, 148-49 (1970) (Douglas, J., concurring) (collecting cases).
83
176.
The fundamental right to vote protected by the Fourteenth Amendment
is cherished in our nation because it “is preservative of other basic civil and
political rights.” Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 562. Voters have a “right to cast a
ballot in an election free from the taint of intimidation and fraud,” Burson v.
Freeman, 504 U.S. 191, 211 (1992), and “[c]onfidence in the integrity of our
electoral processes is essential to the functioning of our participatory
democracy.” Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1, 4 (2006) (per curiam).
177.
“Obviously included within the right to [vote], secured by the
Constitution, is the right of qualified voters within a state to cast their ballots
and have them counted” if they are validly cast. United States v. Classic, 313
U.S. 299, 315 (1941). “[T]he right to have the vote counted” means counted
“at full value without dilution or discount.” Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 555, n.29
(quoting South v. Peters, 339 U.S. 276, 279 (1950) (Douglas, J., dissenting)).
178.
“Every voter in a federal . . . election, whether he votes for a candidate
with little chance of winning or for one with little chance of losing, has a right
under the Constitution to have his vote fairly counted, without its being
distorted by fraudulently cast votes.” Anderson v. United States, 417 U.S.
211, 227 (1974); see also Baker v. Carr, 369 U.S. 186, 208 (1962). Invalid or
84
fraudulent votes “debase[]” and “dilute” the weight of each validly cast vote.
See Anderson, 417 U.S. at 227.
179.
The right to an honest [count] is a right possessed by each voting
elector, and to the extent that the importance of his vote is nullified, wholly
or in part, he has been injured in the free exercise of a right or privilege
secured to him by the laws and Constitution of the United States.” Anderson,
417 U.S. at 226 (quoting Prichard v. United States, 181 F.2d 326, 331 (6th
Cir.), aff'd due to absence of quorum, 339 U.S. 974 (1950)).
180.
Practices that promote the casting of illegal or unreliable ballots or fail
to contain basic minimum guarantees against such conduct, can violate the
Fourteenth Amendment by leading to the dilution of validly cast ballots. See
Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 555 (“[T]he right of suffrage can be denied by a
debasement or dilution of the weight of a citizen’s vote just as effectively as
by wholly prohibiting the free exercise of the franchise.”).
181.
In Georgia, the signature verification requirement is a dead letter. The
signature rejection rate for the most recent election announced by the
Secretary of State was 0.15%. The signature rejection rate for absentee ballot
applications was .00167% - only 30 statewide. Hancock County, Georgia,
85
population 8,348, rejected nine absentee ballot applications for signature
mismatch. Fulton County rejected eight. No other metropolitan county in
Georgia rejected even a single absentee ballot application for signature
mismatch. The state of Colorado, which has run voting by mail for a number
of years, has a signature rejection rate of between .52% and .66%. 35 The State
of Oregon had a rejection rate of 0.86% in 2016. 36 The State of Washington
has a rejection rate of between 1% and 2%. 37If Georgia rejected absentee
ballots at a rate of .52% instead of the actual .15%, approximately 4,600 more
absentee ballots would have been rejected.
COUNT V
T H E R E W A S W I D E -S P R E A D B A L L O T F R A U D .
OCGA 21-2-522
182.
Plaintiffs refer to and incorporate by reference each of the prior
paragraphs of this Complaint as though the same were repeated at length
herein.
35
See https://duckduckgo.com/?q=colorado+signature+rejection+rate&t=osx&ia=web last
visited November 25,2020
36
See https://www.vox.com/21401321/oregon-vote-by-mail-2020-presidential-election, last
visited November 25,2020.
37
See https://www.salon.com/2020/09/08/more-than-550000-mail-ballots-rejected-so-far-heres-
how-to-make-sure-your-vote-gets-counted/ last visited November 25, 2020.
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183.
Plaintiffs contest the results of Georgia’s election, with Standing
conferred under pursuant to O.G.C.A. 21-2-521.
184.
Therefore, pursuant to O.G.C.A. 21-2-522, for misconduct, fraud, or
irregularity by any primary or election official or officials sufficient to change
or place in doubt the result. The foundational principle that Georgia law
“nonetheless allows elections to be contested through litigation, both as a
check on the integrity of the election process and as a means of ensuring the
fundamental right of citizens to vote and to have their votes counted
accurately.” Martin v. Fulton County Bd. of Registration & Elections, 307 Ga.
193, 194, 835 S.E.2d 245, 248 (2019). The Georgia Supreme Court has made
clear that Plaintiffs need not show how the [] voters would have voted if their
[absentee] ballots had been regular. [] only had to show that there were
enough irregular ballots to place in doubt the result.” See OCGA § 21-2-520 et
seq., Mead v. Sheffield, 278 Ga. 268, 272, 601 S.E.2d 99, 102 (1994) the
Supreme Court invalidated an election, and ordered a new election because it
found that,
Thus, [i]t was not incumbent upon [the Plaintiff] to show how the
[481] voters would have voted if their [absentee] ballots had
been regular. He only had to show that there were enough irregular
ballots to place in doubt the result. He succeeded in that task.
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Id. at 271 (citing Howell v. Fears, 275 Ga. 627, 571 SE2d 392, (2002) (primary
results invalid where ballot in one precinct omitted names of both qualified
candidates).
185.
The "glitches" in the Dominion system—that seem to have the uniform
effect of hurting Trump and helping Biden have been widely reported in the
press and confirmed by the analysis of independent experts.
186.
Prima facie evidence in multiple affidavits shows specific fraudulent
acts, which directly resulted in the flipping of the race at issue:
a) votes being switched in Biden’s favor away from Trump during the
recount;
b) the lack of procedures in place to follow the election code, and the
purchase and use, Dominion Voting System despite evidence of serious
vulnerabilities;
c) a demonstration that misrepresentations were made about a pipe burst
that sent everyone home, while first six, then three, unknown
individuals were left alone until the morning hours working on the
machines;
88
d) further a failure to demonstrate compliance with the Georgia’s Election
Codes, in maintaining logs on the Voting system for a genuine and
sound audit, other than voluntary editable logs that prevent genuine
audits. While the bedrock of this Democratic Republic rests on citizens’
confidence in the validity of our elections and a transparent process,
Georgia’s November 3, 2020 General Election remains under a pall of
corruption and irregularity that reflects a pattern of the absence of
mistake. At best, the evidence so far shows ignorance of the truth; at
worst, it proves a knowing intent to defraud.
187.
Plaintiff’s expert also finds that voters received tens of thousands of
ballots that they never requested. (See Exh. 1, Dr. Briggs’ Report).
Specifically, Dr. Briggs found that in the state of Georgia, based on a
statistically significant sample, the expected amount of persons that received
an absentee ballot that they did not request ranges from 16,938 to
22,771. This range exceeds the margin of loss of President Trump by 12,670
votes by at least 4,268 unlawful requests and by as many as 10,101 unlawful
requests.
89
188.
This widespread pattern, as reflected within the population of
unreturned ballots analyzed by Dr. Briggs, reveals the unavoidable reality
that, in addition to the calculations herein, third parties voted an untold
number of unlawfully acquired absentee or mail-in ballots, which would not
be in the database of unreturned ballots analyzed here. See O.G.C.A. 21-2-
522. These unlawfully voted ballots prohibited properly registered persons
from voting and reveal a pattern of widespread fraud.
189.
Further, there exists clear evidence of 20,311 absentee or early voters
in Georgia that voted while registered as having moved out of state.
Specifically, these persons were showing on the National Change of Address
Database (NCOA) as having moved, or as having filed subsequent voter
registration in another state also as evidence that they moved and even
potentially voted in another state. The 20,311 votes by persons documented
as having moved exceeds the margin by which Donald Trump lost the
election by 7,641 votes.
190.
Plaintiffs’’ expert Russell Ramsland concludes that at least 96,600
mail-in ballots were fraudulently cast. He further concludes that up to
90
136,098 ballots were illegally counted as a result of improper manipulation of
the Dominion software. (Ramsland Aff).
191.
The very existence of absentee mail in ballots created a heightened
opportunity for fraud. The population of unreturned ballots analyzed by
William Briggs, PhD, reveals the probability that a far greater number of
mail ballots were requested by 3rd parties or sent erroneously to persons and
voted fraudulently, undetected by a failed system of signature verification.
The recipients may have voted in the name of another person, may have not
had the legal right to vote and voted anyway, or may have not received the
ballot at the proper address and then found that they were unable to vote at
the polls, except provisionally, due to a ballot outstanding in their name.
192.
When we consider the harm of these uncounted votes, and ballots not
ordered by the voters themselves, and the potential that many of these
unordered ballots may in fact have been improperly voted and also prevented
proper voting at the polls, the mail ballot system has clearly failed in the
state of Georgia and did so on a large scale and widespread basis. The size of
the voting failures, whether accidental or intentional, are multiples larger
than the margin of votes between the presidential candidates in the
91
state. For these reasons, Georgia cannot reasonably rely on the results of the
mail vote.
193.
The right to vote includes not just the right to cast a ballot, but also the
right to have it fairly counted if it is legally cast. The right to vote is infringed
if a vote is cancelled or diluted by a fraudulent or illegal vote, including
without limitation when a single person votes multiple times. The Supreme
Court of the United States has made this clear in case after case. See, e.g.,
Gray v. Sanders, 372 U.S. 368, 380 (1963) (every vote must be “protected
from the diluting effect of illegal ballots.”); Crawford v. Marion Cnty. Election
Bd., 553 U.S. 181, 196 (2008) (plurality op. of Stevens, J.) (“There is no
question about the legitimacy or importance of the State’s interest in
counting only the votes of eligible voters.”); accord Reynolds v. Sims, 377 U.S.
533, 554-55 & n.29 (1964).
194.
Plaintiffs have no adequate remedy at law. As seen from the expert
analysis of William Higgs, PhD, based on actual voter data, tens of thousands
of votes did not count, and tens of thousands of votes were unlawfully
requested.
92
195.
The Fourteenth Amendment Due Process Clause protects the right to
vote from conduct by state officials which seriously undermines the
fundamental fairness of the electoral process. Marks v. Stinson, 19 F.3d 873,
889 (3d Cir. 1994); Griffin v. Burns, 570 F.2d 1065, 1077-78 (1st Cir. 1978).
196.
Separate from the Equal Protection Clause, the Fourteenth
Amendment’s due process clause protects the fundamental right to vote
against “the disenfranchisement of a state electorate.” Duncan v. Poythress,
657 F.2d 691, 702 (5th Cir. 1981). “When an election process ‘reaches the
point of patent and fundamental unfairness,’ there is a due process
violation.” Florida State Conference of N.A.A.C.P. v. Browning, 522 F.3d
1153, 1183-84 (11th Cir. 2008) (quoting Roe v. Alabama, 43 F.3d 574, 580
(11th Cir.1995) (citing Curry v. Baker, 802 F.2d 1302, 1315 (11th Cir.1986))).
See also Griffin, 570 F.2d at 1077 (“If the election process itself reaches the
point of patent and fundamental unfairness, a violation of the due process
clause may be indicated and relief under § 1983 therefore in order.”); Marks
v. Stinson, 19 F.3d 873, 889 (3d Cir. 1994) (enjoining winning state senate
candidate from exercising official authority where absentee ballots were
obtained and cast illegally).
93
197.
Part of courts’ justification for such a ruling is the Supreme Court’s
recognition that the right to vote and to free and fair elections is one that is
preservative of other basic civil and political rights. See Black, 209 F.Supp.2d
at 900 (quoting Reynolds, 377 U.S. at 561-62 (“since the right to exercise the
franchise in a free and unimpaired manner is preservative of other basic civil
and political rights, any alleged infringement of the right of citizens to vote
must be carefully and meticulously scrutinized.”)); see also Yick Wo v.
Hopkins, 118 U.S. 356, 370 (1886) (“the political franchise of voting … is
regarded as a fundamental political right, because [sic] preservative of all
rights.”).
198.
“[T]he right to vote, the right to have one’s vote counted, and the right
to have ones vote given equal weight are basic and fundamental
constitutional rights incorporated in the due process clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment to the Constitution of the United States.” Black, 209 F. Supp. 2d
at 900 (a state law that allows local election officials to impose different
voting schemes upon some portions of the electorate and not others violates
due process). “Just as the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment prohibits state officials from improperly diluting the right to
vote, the due process clause of the Fourteenth amendment forbids state
94
officials from unlawfully eliminating that fundamental right.” Duncan, 657
F.2d at 704. “Having once granted the right to vote on equal terms,
[Defendants] may not, by later arbitrary and disparate treatment, value one
person's vote over that of another.” Bush, 531 U.S. at 104-05.
199.
In statewide and federal elections conducted in the State of Georgia,
including without limitation the November 3, 2020 General Election, all
candidates, political parties, and voters, including without limitation
Plaintiffs, have a vested interest in being present and having meaningful
access to observe and monitor the electoral process to ensure that it is
properly administered in every election district and otherwise free, fair, and
transparent.
200.
Moreover, through its provisions involving watchers and
representatives, the Georgia Election Code ensures that all candidates and
political parties, including without limitation Plaintiff, Republicans, and the
Trump Campaign, shall be “present” and have meaningful access to observe
and monitor the electoral process to ensure that it is properly administered in
every election district and otherwise free, fair, and transparent.
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201.
Defendants have a duty to guard against deprivation of the right to
vote through the dilution of validly cast ballots by ballot fraud or election
tampering. Rather than heeding these mandates and duties, Defendants
arbitrarily and capriciously denied the Trump Campaign and Republicans
meaningful access to observe and monitor the electoral process by: (a)
mandating that representatives at the pre- canvass and canvass of all
absentee and mail-ballots be either Georgia barred attorneys or qualified
registered electors of the county in which they sought to observe and monitor;
and (b) not allowing watchers and representatives to visibly see and review
all envelopes containing official absentee and mail-in ballots either at the
time or before they were opened and/or when such ballots were counted and
recorded. Instead, Defendants refused to credential all of the Trump
Campaign’s submitted watchers and representatives and/or kept Trump
Campaign’s watchers and representatives by security and metal barricades
from the areas where the inspection, opening, and counting of absentee and
mail-in ballots were taking place. The lack of meaningful access with actual
access to see the ballots invited further fraud and cast doubt of the validity of
the proceedings.
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202.
Consequently, Defendants created a system whereby it was physically
impossible for the candidates and political parties to view the ballots and
verify that illegally cast ballots were not opened and counted.
203.
Defendants intentionally and/or arbitrarily and capriciously denied Plaintiffs
access to and/or obstructed actual observation and monitoring of the absentee
and mail-in ballots being pre-canvassed and canvassed by Defendants, and
included the unlawfully not counting and including uncounted mail ballots,
and that they failed to follow absentee ballot requirements when thousands
of voters received ballots that they never requested. Defendants have
acted and will continue to act under color of state law to violate the right to
vote and due process as secured by the Fourteenth Amendment to the United
States Constitution.
204.
Plaintiffs have no adequate remedy at law and will suffer serious and
irreparable harm unless the injunctive relief requested herein is granted.
205.
When we consider the harm of these uncounted votes, and ballots not
ordered by the voters themselves, and the potential that many of these
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unordered ballots may in fact have been improperly voted and also prevented
proper voting at the polls, the mail ballot system has clearly failed in the
state of Georgia and did so on a large scale and widespread basis. The size of
the voting failures, whether accidental or intentional, are multiples larger
than the margin in the state. For these reasons, Georgia cannot reasonably
rely on the results of the mail vote.
206.
Relief sought is the elimination of the mail ballots from counting in the
2020 election. Alternatively, the Presidential electors for the state of Georgia
should be disqualified from counting toward the 2020 election.
207.
The United States Code (3 U.S.C. 5) provides that,
“[i]f any State shall have provided, by laws enacted prior to the day
fixed for the appointment of the electors, for its final determination
of any controversy or contest concerning the appointment of all or
any of the electors of such State, by judicial or other methods or
procedures, and such determination shall have been made at least
six days before the time fixed for the meeting of the electors, such
determination made pursuant to such law so existing on said day,
and made at least six days prior to said time of meeting of the
electors, shall be conclusive, and shall govern in the counting of the
electoral votes as provided in the Constitution, and as hereinafter
regulated, so far as the ascertainment of the electors appointed by
such State is concerned.
3 USCS § 5.
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REQUEST FOR RELIEF
208.
Accordingly, Plaintiffs seek an emergency order instructing
Defendants to de-certify the results of the General Election for the Office of
President.
209.
In the alternative, Plaintiffs seek an emergency order prohibiting
Defendants from including in any certified results from the General Election
the tabulation of absentee and mailing ballots which do not comply with the
Election Code, including, without limitation, the tabulation of absentee and
mail-in ballots Trump Campaign’s watchers were prevented from observing
or based on the tabulation of invalidly cast absentee and mail-in ballots
which (i) lack a secrecy envelope, or contain on that envelope any text, mark,
or symbol which reveals the elector’s identity, political affiliation, or
candidate preference, (ii) do not include on the outside envelope a completed
declaration that is dated and signed by the elector, or (iii) are delivered in-
person by third parties for non-disabled voters.
210.
When we consider the harm of these uncounted votes, and ballots not
ordered by the voters themselves, and the potential that many of these
unordered ballots may in fact have been improperly voted and also prevented
99
proper voting at the polls, the mail ballot system has clearly failed in the
state of Georgia and did so on a large scale and widespread basis. The size of
the voting failures, whether accidental or intentional, are multiples larger
than the margin in the state. For these reasons, Georgia cannot reasonably
rely on the results of the mail vote. Relief sought is the elimination of the
mail ballots from counting in the 2020 election. Alternatively, the electors for
the state of Georgia should be disqualified from counting toward the 2020
election. Alternatively, the electors of the State of Georgia should be directed
to vote for President Donald Trump.
211.
For these reasons, Plaintiff asks this Court to enter a judgment in
their favor and provide the following emergency relief:
1. An order directing Governor Kemp, Secretary Raffensperger and the
Georgia State Board of Elections to de-certify the election results;
2. An order enjoining Governor Kemp from transmitting the currently
certified election results to the Electoral College;
3. An order requiring Governor Kemp to transmit certified election
results that state that President Donald Trump is the winner of the
election;
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4. An immediate order to impound all the voting machines and
software in Georgia for expert inspection by the Plaintiffs.
5. An order that no votes received or tabulated by machines that were
not certified as required by federal and state law be counted.
6. A declaratory judgment declaring that Georgia Secretary of State
Rule 183-1-14-0.9-.15 violates the Electors and Elections Clause,
U.S. CONST. art. I, § 4;
7. A declaratory judgment declaring that Georgia’s failed system of
signature verification violates the Electors and Elections Clause by
working a de facto abolition of the signature verification
requirement;
8. A declaratory judgment declaring that current certified election
results violates the Due Process Clause, U.S. CONST. Amend. XIV;
9. A declaratory judgment declaring that mail-in and absentee ballot
fraud must be remedied with a Full Manual Recount or statistically
valid sampling that properly verifies the signatures on absentee
ballot envelopes and that invalidates the certified results if the
recount or sampling analysis shows a sufficient number of ineligible
absentee ballots were counted;
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10. An emergency declaratory judgment that voting machines be
Seized and Impounded immediately for a forensic audit—by
plaintiffs’ expects;
11. A declaratory judgment declaring absentee ballot fraud occurred
in violation of Constitutional rights, Election laws and under state
law;
12. A permanent injunction prohibiting the Governor and Secretary
of State from transmitting the currently certified results to the
Electoral College based on the overwhelming evidence of election
tampering;
13. Immediate production of 36 hours of security camera recording of
all rooms used in the voting process at State Farm Arena in Fulton
County, GA from 12:00am to 3:00am until 6:00pm on November 3.
14. Plaintiffs further request the Court grant such other relief as is
just and proper, including but not limited to, the costs of this action
and their reasonable attorney fees and expenses pursuant to 42
U.S.C. 1988.
Respectfully submitted, this 25th day of November, 2020.
102
CALDWELL, PROPST & DELOACH, LLP
/s/ Harry W. MacDougald
Harry W. MacDougald
Georgia Bar No. 463076
CALDWELL, PROPST & DELOACH, LLP
Two Ravinia Drive, Suite 1600
Atlanta, GA 30346
(404) 843-1956 – Telephone
(404) 843-2737 – Facsimile
hmacdougald@cpdlawyers.com
Counsel for Plaintiffs
/s Sidney Powell*
Sidney Powell PC
Texas Bar No. 16209700
Julia Z. Haller *
Emily P. Newman*
Virginia Bar License No. 84265
2911 Turtle Creek Blvd, Suite 300
Dallas, Texas 75219
*Application for admission pro hac vice
Forthcoming
L. Lin Wood
GA Bar No. 774588
L. LIN WOOD, P.C.
P.O. Box 52584
Atlanta, GA 30305-0584
Telephone: (404) 891-1402
Howard Kleinhendler*
NEW YORK BAR NO. 2657120Howard Kleinhendler Esquire
369 Lexington Avenue, 12th Floor
New York, New York 10017
Office (917) 793-1188
Mobile (347) 840-2188
howard@kleinhendler.com
www.kleinhendler.com
103
*Application for admission pro hac vice
Forthcoming
Attorneys for Plaintiffs
104
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